Banty Boy Hunters Facebook Page Banned
Banty Boy Hunters Facebook Page Banned
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Enda Kenny with US president Donald Trump in March 2017
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Enda Kenny with British prime minister David Cameron in January 2016
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Ireland's Taoiseach tells future senator to get back with his wife and keep "you bit on the side".. to help give a public appearance that all is well with his marriage and family life to help become elected as a senator
13th Taoiseach from 2011 to 2017
Enda Kenny, speaking at the Young Fine Gael conference in 2007
Enda Kenny is an Irish former Fine Gael politician who served as Taoiseach from 2011 to 2017, Leader of Fine Gael from 2002 to 2017, Minister for Defence from May to July 2014 and 2016 to 2017, Leader of the Opposition from 2002 to 2011, Minister for Tourism and Trade from 1994 to 1997 and Minister of State at the Department of Labour and Department of Education with... Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enda_Kenny
- April 24, 1951 (age 74), Castlebar, Ireland
- Fionnuala Kenny(m. 1992-present)
- Henry Kenny
- Naoise Kenny, Aoibhinn Kenny, Ferdia Kenny
- University of Galway, Leitir N.S., St Patrick's College, Dublin, St Gerald's College, Castlebar
- Fine Gael
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Enda-Kenny
Kenny attended the National University of Ireland, Galway, and spent four years working as a teacher. He turned to politics in 1975 upon the death of his father, Henry Kenny, a long-serving member of the Dáil Éireann (Ireland’s lower legislative house), representing Mayo. Kenny won a comfortable victory in a special election to fill his father’s seat, and at age 24 he was the youngest member of the Dáil. He spent much of his early political career on the backbench, focusing on local issues. In 1994 he was appointed minister of tourism and trade in the “rainbow coalition” government of Fine Gael Taoiseach John Bruton.
With the collapse of Bruton’s coalition in 1997, Kenny lost his portfolio, but his stature rose as the party itself declined. Weeks after the 2002 election, which saw Fine Gael win just 31 seats, Kenny was elected party leader. He immediately set to restoring the party’s fortunes, and Fine Gael made an impressive showing in the 2007 election, capturing 51 seats.
Fine Gael’s momentum continued to build as Fianna Fáil Taoiseach Brian Cowen, beset with a banking crisis and a soaring national deficit, was obliged to accept a bailout package of more than $100 billion from the International Monetary Fund and the European Union. The Green Party withdrew from Cowen’s coalition, and the government collapsed, forcing early elections in February 2011. Capitalizing on widespread voter dissatisfaction, Fine Gael won more than 70 seats, ending 14 years of Fianna Fáil rule, and Kenny began discussions with the Labour Party about the formation of a coalition government. After more than a week of negotiations, the details of the coalition were settled, and Kenny was formally elected taoiseach by the Dáil on March 9, 2011, by an unprecedented 90 votes.
Kenny oversaw a strong rebound by the Irish economy over the next five years, but the perception by many that the recovery had not been shared equally was reflected in the general election results of February 2016, when the electorate punished the ruling coalition by ending its majority. In particular, voters appeared to be disenchanted by the government’s pledge to end the universal social charge—a graduated tax on all income over €13,000—despite austerity-mandated cuts to social services. In the event, Fine Gael remained the largest party in the Dáil, but its share of the seats fell from the 76 it ultimately had secured in 2011 to 50, while coalition partner Labour plummeted from 37 seats to 7. Meanwhile, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael’s traditional rival for power, which had appeared politically moribund after the last general election, bounced back forcefully to add 24 seats to its 2011 count, reaching a total of 44 deputies.
With no party holding a majority and no quick path to coalition rule evident, a hung parliament ensued. Ten weeks of negotiations followed as Kenny sought to form a government. Even the unheard-of possibility of grand coalition rule with Fianna Fáil was on the table. Finally, in early May, after much policy-related horse trading, an agreement was reached whereby Kenny and Fine Gael would continue to lead the government, supported by independent deputies and with a promise by Fianna Fáil that it would abstain on key votes until 2018. With Fianna Fáil abstaining, Kenny captured 59 votes on May 6, 2016, enough to return to power. In the process, he became the first Fine Gael Iaoiseach to be reelected.
A scandal involving the public smearing of a police whistleblower nearly toppled the government in February 2017, and Kenny narrowly survived a vote of confidence, 57 to 52, with Fianna Fáil abstaining. Under pressure from the opposition as well as from members of his own party, Kenny stood down as Fine Gael leader in May 2017. The following month the party chose Kenny’s minister for social protection, Leo Varadkar, to succeed him as leader of Fine Gael. Kenny resigned as prime minister on June 13, 2017, and Varadkar was elected prime minister the following day. Kenny continued to serve in the Dáil until 2020, when he stepped down after opting not to seek another term.
Fine Gael
News •
History
Fine Gael was founded in September 1933 in the amalgamation of Cumann na nGaedheal (“Party of the Irish”)—the party of William Thomas Cosgrave, first president of the Irish Free State—and two lesser parties, the Centre Party (formerly the Farmers’ Party) and the National Guard (formerly the Army Comrades Association), also known as the “Blueshirts.” Cumann na nGaedheal represented the supporters of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, which brought into existence the Irish Free State. Identifying itself as the party of peace and stability, Cumann na nGaedheal gained 41 percent of the seats in the Free State’s first elections in 1923 and formed a minority government under Cosgrave; it remained in power until it was defeated by its main opposition, Fianna Fáil, in 1932. In response, Cosgrave created a larger and more heterogeneous party, which he called Fine Gael, in 1933. The new party, however, did not achieve national office until 1948, when John Costello formed a five-party coalition government (1948–51). Fine Gael soon led another coalition into office (1954–57) but then returned to the political wilderness until a preelection deal with the Labour Party enabled it to return to power (1973–77) under Liam Cosgrave, the son of Fine Gael’s founder. This partnership was the result of a new pragmatism in the Labour Party and Fine Gael’s shift toward an agenda of social reform, which was accelerated when Garret FitzGerald succeeded Cosgrave as party leader following election defeat in 1977. Fine Gael later governed in coalition with Labour (1981–82; 1982–87) and with Labour and Democratic Left (1994–97) under John Bruton. The party subsequently suffered a major decline in support, falling from 54 seats in 1997 to only 31 in 2002.
Within weeks of this loss, the party elected a new leader, Enda Kenny, and began rebuilding. Fine Gael fared much better in the 2007 elections, capturing 51 seats, but it was still unable to form a government. A bank collapse and government bailout in 2008 led to unsustainable levels of public spending, and Ireland was forced to apply for more than $100 billion in loans from the International Monetary Fund and the European Union in late 2010. Unpopular austerity measures put a strain on the ruling Fianna Fail–Green Party coalition, and early elections were scheduled for 2011. Fine Gael candidates campaigned on the promise to create jobs, to reduce the size and increase the efficiency of government, and to restructure the loan agreement with the IMF. Kenny emerged as an effective spokesperson for the party’s agenda, and Fine Gael scored a historic victory at the polls in February 2011. Fine Gael subsequently formed a coalition with Labour, and Kenny was formally elected taoiseach (prime minister) in March 2011 by the greatest margin in the history of the Dáil.
The 2016 election was a very different story, as the Fine Gael–Labour coalition lost its majority. Kenny and the party clung to power as a minority government by crafting a deal whereby Fianna Fáil agreed to abstain from key votes until 2018 in return for policy concessions. In February 2017 a scandal involving the public smearing of a police whistleblower expanded to include Kenny, who stepped down as party leader and taoiseach in June. He was replaced by Leo Varadkar, who became Ireland’s first openly gay taoiseach. In the 2020 election for the Dáil, Fine Gael fell to third place behind Fianna Fáil and a surging Sinn Féin. Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil then formed their first-ever coalition government, which also included the Green Party.
Policy and structure
Although its roots lay in the controversy surrounding the “national question,” Fine Gael was essentially a conservative party whose raison d’être was to oppose Fianna Fáil. A reform program, “Planning for a Just Society” (1965), signified a desire among some members of Fine Gael for a new identity. It took another decade for this desire to have any significant effect on party policies, however, as many members were reluctant to embrace the so-called “liberal” agenda, especially the reform of laws relating to divorce and contraception. Party members remained relatively conservative on these issues. By the end of the century the party considered itself a member of Europe’s Christian Democratic family—an economically interventionist, centrist party committed to the market economy, social responsibility, and strong support for European integration. Its nationalism was more moderate than that of Fianna Fáil.
The basic unit of party organization is the local branch. Above this level is a delegate body representing local council constituencies, for local councils, and above that is another body representing Dáil (lower house of Parliament) constituencies, comprising local public representatives plus delegates from local branches. These bodies select candidates for local councils and the Dáil, respectively. Traditionally, constituencies were relatively independent of the centre and were often dominated by local deputies, but under FitzGerald the party structure was reformed to weaken their power. More recently the party introduced a one-member, one-vote system for candidate selection, though the head office may still add candidates to a list. In theory the Ard-Fheis (Annual Conference) is the supreme governing body, but in practice it cedes most of its power to a much smaller Executive Committee, and policy is effectively determined by senior ministers or—when the party is in opposition—by spokesmen. The Ard-Fheis elects the president of the party, usually the parliamentary party leader, who already has been elected by the party’s representatives in the Oireachtas (Parliament) and the European Parliament.
Fine Gael long averaged about 30 percent of the national vote, though its support began to drop below that figure after 1982. Its support is disproportionately rural, coming particularly from large farmers, and has suffered as that segment of the population has declined in numbers. It has done particularly well among the middle class, and at its peak in 1982, when it won 39 percent of the vote and had real hopes of mounting a serious challenge to Fianna Fáil as Ireland’s largest party, it did well in all groups.
Michael Marsh
Brexit
- Date:
- June 23, 2016 - present
- Participants:
- Europe
- United Kingdom
- Key People:
- David Cameron
- Nigel Farage
- Philip Hammond
-
What was the United Kingdom European Union membership referendum?
-
When did the Brexit referendum take place?
-
What does the term 'Brexit' mean?
-
What were the main reasons that people voted for Brexit?
Brexit, the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU), which formally occurred on January 31, 2020. The term Brexit is a portmanteau coined as shorthand for British exit. In a referendum held on June 23, 2016, some 52 percent of those British voters who participated opted to leave the EU, setting the stage for the U.K. to become the first country ever to do so. The details of the separation were negotiated for more than two years following the submission of Britain’s formal request to leave in March 2017, and British Prime Minister Theresa May, whose legacy is inextricably bound to Brexit, was forced to resign in July 2019 after she repeatedly failed to win approval from Parliament for the separation agreement that she had negotiated with the EU. Ultimately, Brexit was accomplished under her successor, Boris Johnson.
David Cameron and the Brexit referendum
In 2013, responding to growing Euroskepticism within his Conservative Party, British Prime Minister David Cameron first pledged to conduct a referendum on whether the U.K. should remain in the EU. Even before the surge of immigration in 2015 that resulted from upheaval in the Middle East and Africa, many Britons had become distressed with the influx of migrants from elsewhere in the EU who had arrived through the EU’s open borders. Exploiting this anti-immigrant sentiment, the Nigel Farage-led nationalist United Kingdom Independence Party made big gains in elections largely at the expense of the Conservatives. Euroskeptics in Britain were also alarmed by British financial obligations that had come about as a result of the EU’s response to the euro-zone debt crisis and the bailout of Greece (2009–12). They argued that Britain had relinquished too much of its sovereignty. Moreover, they were fed up with what they saw as excessive EU regulations on consumers, employers, and the environment
The Labour and Liberal Democratic parties generally favoured remaining within the EU, and there were still many Conservatives, Cameron among them, who remained committed to British membership, provided that a minimum of reforms could be secured from the U.K.’s 27 partners in the EU. Having triumphed in the 2015 U.K. general election, Cameron prepared to make good on his promise to hold a referendum on EU membership before 2017, but first he sought to win concessions from the European Council that would address some of the concerns of those Britons who wanted out of the EU (an undertaking Cameron characterized as “Mission Possible”). In February 2016 EU leaders agreed to comply with a number of Cameron’s requests, including, notably, allowing the U.K. to limit benefits for migrant workers during their first four years in Britain, though this so-called “emergency brake” could be applied only for seven years. Britain also was to be exempt from the EU’s “ever-closer union” commitment, was permitted to maintain the pound sterling as its currency, and was reimbursed for money spent on euro-zone bailouts.
With that agreement in hand, Cameron scheduled the referendum for June 2016 and took the lead in the “remain” campaign, which focused on an organization called Britain Stronger in Europe and argued for the benefits of participation in the EU’s single market. The “leave” effort, which coalesced around the Vote Leave campaign, was headed up by ex-London mayor Boris Johnson, who was widely seen as a challenger for Cameron’s leadership of the Conservative Party. Johnson repeatedly claimed that the EU had “changed out of all recognition” from the common market that Britain had joined in 1973, and Leavers argued that EU membership prevented Britain from negotiating advantageous trade deals. Both sides made gloom-and-doom proclamations regarding the consequences that would result from their opponents’ triumph, and both sides lined up expert testimony and studies supporting their visions. They also racked up celebrity endorsements that ranged from the powerful (U.S. Pres. Barack Obama, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and International Monetary Fund managing director Christine Lagarde on the remain side and former British foreign minister Lord David Owen and Republican U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump on the leave side) to the glamorous (actors Benedict Cumberbatch and Sir Patrick Stewart backing the remain effort and actor Sir Michael Caine and former cricket star Ian Botham being in the leave ranks).
Opinion polling on the eve of the referendum showed both sides of the Brexit question fairly evenly divided, but, when the votes were tallied, some 52 percent of those who voted had chosen to leave the EU. Cameron resigned in order to allow his successor to conduct the negotiations on the British departure. In announcing his resignation, he said, “I don’t think it would be right for me to try to be the captain that steers our country to its next destination.”
Theresa’s May’s Brexit failure
The road to the Chequers plan
Although Johnson had appeared to be poised to replace Cameron, as events played out, Home Secretary Theresa May became the new leader of the Conservative Party and prime minister in July 2016. May, who had opposed Brexit, came into office promising to see it to completion, On March 29, 2017, she formally submitted a six-page letter to European Council Pres. Donald Tusk invoking article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, thus opening a two-year window for negotiations between the U.K. and the EU over the details of separation. In the letter, May pledged to enter the discussions “constructively and respectfully, in a spirit of sincere cooperation.” She also hoped that a “bold and ambitious Free Trade Agreement” would result from the negotiations.
Attempting to secure a mandate for her vision of Brexit, May called a snap election for Parliament for June 2017. Instead of gaining a stronger hand for the Brexit negotiations, however, she saw her Conservative Party lose its governing majority in the House of Commons and become dependent on “confidence and supply” support from Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). May’s objective of arriving at a cohesive approach for her government’s Brexit negotiations was further complicated by the wide disagreement that persisted within the Conservative Party both on details related to the British proposal for separation and on the broader issues involved.
Despite forceful opposition by “hard” Brexiters, a consensus on the nuts and bolts of the government’s Brexit plan appeared to emerge from a marathon meeting of the cabinet in July at Chequers, the prime minister’s country retreat. The working document produced by that meeting committed Britain to “ongoing harmonization” with EU rules and called for the creation of a “joint institutional framework” under which agreements between the U.K. and the EU would be handled in the U.K. by British courts and in the EU by EU courts. Although the proposal mandated that Britain would regain control over how many people could enter the country, it also outlined a “mobility framework” that would permit British and EU citizens to apply for work and for study in each other’s territories. May’s “softer” approach, grounded in policies aimed at preserving economic ties with the EU, looked to have won the day, but in short order the government’s apparent harmony was disrupted by the resignations of Britain’s chief Brexit negotiator, David Davis (who complained that May’s plan gave up too much, too easily), and foreign secretary Johnson, who wrote in his letter of resignation that the dream of Brexit was being “suffocated by needless self-doubt.” Confronted with the possibility of a vote of confidence on her leadership of the Conservative Party, May reportedly warned fellow Tories to back her Brexit plan or risk handing power to a Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour government.
In November the leaders of the EU’s other member countries formally agreed to the terms of a withdrawal deal (the Chequers plan) that May claimed “delivered for the British people” and set the United Kingdom “on course for a prosperous future.” Under the plan Britain was to satisfy its long-term financial obligations by paying some $50 billion to the EU. Britain’s departure from the EU was set for March 29, 2019, but, according to the agreement, the U.K. would continue to abide by EU rules and regulations until at least December 2020 while negotiations continued on the details of the long-term relationship between the EU and the U.K.
The Northern Ireland backstop plan and the challenge to May’s leadership
The agreement, which was scheduled for debate by the House of Commons in December, still faced strong opposition in Parliament, not only from Labour, the Liberal Democrats, the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the DUP but also from many Conservatives. Meanwhile, a call for a new referendum on Brexit was gaining traction, but May adamantly refused to consider that option, countering that the British people had already expressed their will. The principal stumbling block for many of the agreement’s opponents was the so-called Northern Ireland backstop plan, which sought to preserve the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement by maintaining an open border between Northern Ireland and EU member Ireland after Brexit. The backstop plan called for a legally binding customs arrangement between the EU and Northern Ireland to go into effect should the U.K. and the EU not reach a long-term agreement by December 2020. Opponents of the backstop were concerned that it created the possibility of effectively establishing a customs border down the Irish Sea by setting up regulatory barriers between Northern Ireland and the rest of the U.K.
The issue came to the fore in the first week of December, when the government was forced to publish in full Attorney General Geoffrey Cox’s legal advice for the government on the Brexit agreement. In Cox’s opinion, without agreement between the U.K. and the EU, the terms of the backstop plan could persist “indefinitely,” leaving Britain legally prevented from ending the agreement absent EU approval. This controversial issue loomed large as the House of Commons undertook five days of debate in advance of a vote on the Brexit agreement scheduled for December 11. With a humiliating rejection of the agreement by the House of Commons likely, on December 10 May chose to dramatically interrupt the debate after three days and postpone the vote, promising to pursue new assurances from the EU regarding the backstop. The opposition responded by threatening to hold a vote of confidence and to call for an early election, but a more immediate threat to May’s version of Brexit came when a hard-line Brexit faction within the Conservative Party forced a vote on her leadership. Needing the votes of 159 MPs to survive as leader, May received 200, and, under Conservative Party rules, she could not be challenged as party leader for another year.
The longer it remained unsettled, the more the matter of Brexit became the defining issue of British politics. With opinions on May’s version of Brexit and on Brexit in general crossing ideological lines, both Labour and the Conservatives were roiling with internecine conflict.
In pursuit of greater support in Parliament for her revised Brexit plan, May secured new promises of cooperation on the backstop plan from EU leaders. Agreement was reached on a “joint legally binding instrument” under which Britain could initiate a “formal dispute” with the EU if the EU were to attempt to keep Britain bound to the backstop plan indefinitely. Another “joint statement” committed the U.K. and the EU to arriving at a replacement for the backstop plan by December 2020. Moreover, a “unilateral declaration” by May’s government stressed that there was nothing to prevent the U.K. from abandoning the backstop should negotiations on an alternative arrangement with the EU collapse without the likelihood of resolution. According to Attorney General Cox, the new assurances reduced the risk of the U.K.’s being indefinitely confined by the backstop agreement, but they did not fundamentally change the agreement’s legal status.
Ongoing opposition to May’s revised Brexit plan, deadline extensions, “indicative votes,” and May’s resignation
On March 12 the House of Commons again rejected May’s plan (391–242), and the next day it voted 312–308 against a no-deal Brexit—that is, leaving the EU without a deal in place. On March 14 May barely survived a vote that would have robbed her of control of Brexit and given it to Parliament. On March 20 she asked the EU to extend the deadline for Britain’s departure to June 30. The EU responded by delaying the Brexit deadline until May 22 but only if Parliament had accepted May’s withdrawal plan by the week of March 24.
In the meantime, on March 23 hundreds of thousands of demonstrators filled the streets of London demanding that another referendum on Brexit be held. On March 25 the House of Commons voted 329–302 to take control of Parliament’s agenda from the government so as to conduct “indicative votes” on alternative proposals to May’s plan. Eight of those proposals were voted upon on March 27. None of them gained majority support, though a plan that sought to create a “permanent and comprehensive U.K.-wide customs union with the EU” came within six votes of success. That same day May announced that she would resign as party leader and prime minister if the House of Commons were to approve her plan. On March 29 Speaker of the House John Bercow invoked a procedural rule that limited that day’s vote to the withdrawal agreement portion of May’s plan (thus excluding the “political declaration” that addressed the U.K. and EU’s long-term relationship). This time the vote was closer than previous votes had been (286 in support and 344 in opposition), but the plan still went down in defeat.
Time was running out. By April 12 the U.K. had to decide whether it would leave the EU without an agreement on that day or request a longer delay that would require it to participate in elections for the European Parliament. May asked the EU to extend the deadline for Brexit until June 30, and on April 11 the European Council granted the U.K. a “flexible extension” until October 31.
After failing to win sufficient support from Conservatives for her Brexit plan, May entered discussions with Labour leaders on a possible compromise, but these efforts also came up empty. May responded by proposing a new version of the plan that included a temporary customs relationship with the EU and a promise to hold a parliamentary vote on whether another referendum on Brexit should be staged. Her cabinet revolted, and on May 24 May announced that she would step down as party leader on June 7 but would remain as caretaker premier until the Conservatives had chosen her successor.
Boris Johnson and the Brexit finish line
May’s successor as party leader and prime minister, Boris Johnson, promised to remove the U.K. from the EU without an exit agreement if the deal May had negotiated was not altered to his satisfaction; however, he faced broad opposition (even among Conservatives) to his advocacy of a no-deal Brexit. Johnson’s political maneuvering (including proroguing Parliament just weeks before the revised October 31 departure deadline) was strongly countered by legislative measures advanced by those opposed to leaving the EU without an agreement in place. In early September a vote of the House of Commons forced the new prime minister to request a delay of the British withdrawal from the EU until January 31, 2020, despite the fact that on October 22 the House approved, in principle, the agreement that Johnson had negotiated, which replaced the backstop with the so-called Northern Ireland Protocol, a plan to keep Northern Ireland aligned with the EU for at least four years from the end of the transition period.
In search of a mandate for his vision of Brexit, Johnson tried and failed several times to call a snap election. Because the election would fall outside the five-year term stipulated by the Fixed Terms of Parliament Act, Johnson needed opposition support to achieve the approval of two-thirds of the House of Commons required for the election to be held. Finally, after the possibility of no-deal Brexit was blocked, Labour leader Corbyn agreed to allow British voters once again to decide the fate of Brexit. In the election, held on December 12, 2019, the Conservatives recorded their most decisive victory since 1987, adding 48 seats to secure a solid Parliamentary majority of 365 seats and setting the stage for the realization of a Johnson-style Brexit. At 11:00 pm London time on January 31, the United Kingdom formally withdrew from the European Union. The freedom to work and move freely between the U.K. and the EU became a thing of the past.
Although Britain’s formal departure from the EU was completed, final details relating to a new trade deal between the U.K. and the EU remained to be resolved. On December 24, 2020, the December 31 deadline for that resolution was only barely met. The resultant 2,000-page agreement clarified that there would be no limits or taxes on goods sold between U.K. and EU parties; however, an extensive regimen of paperwork for such transactions and transport of goods was put in place.
In June 2022 Johnson sought to jettison part of the trade agreement, introducing legislation in Parliament that would remove checks on goods entering Northern Ireland from elsewhere in the U.K. The Johnson government averred that overly stringent application of the customs rules by the EU was undermining business and threatening peace in Northern Ireland. Unionists had complained that these customs checks were jeopardizing Northern Ireland’s relationship with the rest of the U.K., and the DUP refused to re-enter Northern Ireland’s power-sharing executive until the checks were eliminated. Opponents of Johnson’s action, including May, argued that the move was illegal, and the EU threatened retaliation.
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Enda Kenny (born 24 April 1951) is an Irish former Fine Gael politician who served as Taoiseach from 2011 to 2017, Leader of Fine Gael from 2002 to 2017, Minister for Defence from May to July 2014 and 2016 to 2017, Leader of the Opposition from 2002 to 2011, Minister for Tourism and Trade from 1994 to 1997 and Minister of State at the Department of Labour and Department of Education with responsibility for Youth Affairs from 1986 to 1987. He served as Teachta Dála (TD) for Mayo West from 1975 to 1997 and for Mayo from 1997 to 2020.[1]
Kenny led Fine Gael to a historic victory at the 2011 general election, his party becoming the largest in the country for the first time, forming a coalition government with the Labour Party on 9 March 2011.[2] He subsequently became the first Fine Gael member to be elected Taoiseach for a second consecutive term on 6 May 2016, after two months of negotiations, following the 2016 election, forming a Fine Gael-led minority government.[3] He was the first Taoiseach from Fine Gael since John Bruton (1994–1997), and the first Leader of Fine Gael to win a general election since Garret FitzGerald in 1982. He became the longest-serving Fine Gael Taoiseach in April 2017.[4]
Kenny stepped down as Leader of Fine Gael on 2 June 2017, and announced he would resign as Taoiseach once a new leader was chosen in early June.[5] In the following leadership election, the Minister for Social Protection, Leo Varadkar, was elected to succeed him as Leader of Fine Gael.[6] Kenny tendered his resignation as Taoiseach on 13 June 2017, and was succeeded by Varadkar the following day.[7] On 5 November 2017, Kenny announced that he would not contest the following general election.[8]
Early life
Kenny was born in 1951 in Derrycoosh, Islandeady, near Castlebar, County Mayo, the third child of five of Mary Eithne (McGinley) and Henry Kenny.[9] He was educated locally at St Patrick's National School, Cornanool N.S, Leitir N.S and at St. Gerald's College, Castlebar.[10] He attended St Patrick's College, Dublin,[11] qualifying as a national teacher and was an undergraduate student at University College Galway.[12] He worked as a primary school teacher for four years.[13][14] He also played football for his local club Islandeady GAA.[15]
Career
Early years in Dáil Éireann (1975–1994)
Kenny was exposed to politics from an early age, following his father Henry Kenny becoming a Fine Gael TD in 1954. In the early 1970s, he became directly involved in politics when he started helping his father with constituency clinics. In 1975, Henry Kenny (who was at this stage a Parliamentary Secretary in the government) died after a short battle with cancer. Fine Gael wanted one of his sons to stand as their candidate at the subsequent by-election, and so Enda Kenny was chosen. He was elected on the first count with 52% of the vote, and thus became the youngest member of the 20th Dáil, aged 24.[16]
Kenny remained on the backbenches for almost a decade. He was appointed party spokesperson firstly on Youth Affairs and Sport,[17] then Western Development; however, he failed to build a national profile as he concentrated more on constituency matters. Kenny was left out in the cold when Garret FitzGerald became Taoiseach for the first time in 1981, and again in 1982. He was, however, appointed as a member of the Fine Gael delegation at the New Ireland Forum in 1983. He later served on the British-Irish Parliamentary Association. In 1986, he became a Minister of State at the Department of Labour and Department of Education with responsibility for Youth Affairs.[18] Fine Gael lost the 1987 general election, resulting in Kenny and Fine Gael being on the opposition benches for the next seven years. In spite of this, his national profile was raised as he served in a number of positions on the party's front bench, including Education, Arts, Heritage, Gaeltacht, and the Islands. He was also the Fine Gael Chief Whip for a short period.
Minister for Tourism (1994–1997)
In late 1994, the Fianna Fáil–Labour Party government collapsed; however, no general election was called. Instead, a Fine Gael–Labour Party–Democratic Left "Rainbow Coalition" came to power. Kenny, as Fine Gael chief whip, was a key member of the team, which negotiated the programme for government with the other parties prior to the formation of the new government. Under Taoiseach John Bruton, Kenny joined the cabinet and was appointed Minister for Tourism and Trade.[19] During his tenure as minister, Ireland saw significant growth in the tourism sector and in its international trade position.[citation needed] As minister, he chaired the European Union Council of Trade Ministers, during Ireland's six-month Presidency of the European Council, as well as co-chairing a round of the World Trade Organization talks in 1996. Among Kenny's other achievements were the rejuvenation of the Saint Patrick's Day parade in Dublin,[citation needed] and the successful negotiations to bring a stage of the 1998 Tour de France to Ireland.[20] In 1997, the government was defeated at the general election and Kenny returned to the opposition benches.
Opposition (1997–2002)
Fine Gael leadership elections
2001
John Bruton resigned as leader of Fine Gael in 2001, following a vote of no confidence in his ability.[21] Kenny stood in the subsequent leadership election, promising to "electrify the party".[22] In the final ballot it was Michael Noonan who emerged victorious (it is Fine Gael's custom not to publish ballot results for leadership elections). Noonan did not give a spokesperson's assignment to Kenny; this led him to accuse Noonan of sending a "dangerous message".[23]
2002
At the 2002 general election, Fine Gael suffered its worst electoral performance ever, losing 23 seats, a figure larger than expected, with its share of the vote down 5%. Kenny himself came close to losing his seat, and even went so far as to prepare a concession speech. In the end he won the third seat in the five-seat constituency. Noonan resigned as Fine Gael leader on the night of the result, an action which triggered another leadership election. Protest meetings were held by members of the party against the speed with which the leadership election had been called and the failure to broaden the franchise to the membership.[citation needed]
Kenny once again contested the leadership and emerged successful on that occasion.[24]
Racist remarks
In September 2002, Kenny was accused of making racist remarks after he used the word "nigger" in a joke relating to Patrice Lumumba, the assassinated first Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Kenny wanted the incident to be suppressed and specifically asked journalists not to cite it, though the Sunday Independent newspaper reported his "chortling repetition of the inflammatory word".[25] He was subsequently condemned by race campaigners at home and abroad.[26][27] Matters were made worse when it emerged that several of Lumumba's relatives, including a son and several grandchildren, lived in Tallaght.[28]
Kenny apologised unreservedly but insisted that there was no racist intent, and that he was merely quoting what a Moroccan barman had once said, while reminiscing about an incident he had witnessed in the company of his friend David Molony, whose sudden death had recently occurred.[29] However, what he said was widely seen as politically indefensible, as a story that should not have been told in the company of reporters by someone hoping to become the next Taoiseach.[29]
Leader of the Opposition (2002–2011)
Fine Gael out-performed expectations at the 2004 Local and European elections, which saw Fine Gael increase its representation from 4 MEPs of 15 from Ireland, to 5 from 13. This was the first time Fine Gael had ever defeated Fianna Fáil in a national election, as well as the first time Fianna Fáil had failed to finish first in a national election since its second place in the 1927 general election behind Cumann na nGaedheal, Fine Gael's immediate predecessor.
In July 2005, five men from the north of Kenny's Mayo constituency were jailed over their opposition to the Fianna Fáil-led government's plans for the Corrib gas project. One of the men, Philip McGrath, worked for Kenny as an election agent for Rossport during general elections. Unlike his fellow Mayo Fine Gael TD, Michael Ring, Kenny was cautious about backing the men's stance (Ring would later be forced to adopt the same policy).[30] The Shell to Sea campaign that was founded to help release the men and get the government to change its mind shut down work on the project for fifteen months. When Gardaí were brought in to remove protesters with tactics that saw many hospitalised, Kenny said: "The law must be obeyed."[31]
In November 2005, Kenny called for the abolition of compulsory Irish for the Leaving Certificate examinations. This was opposed by all the major Irish language organisations.[32] In March 2006, he was elected vice-president of the European People's Party (EPP), the largest European political group to which Fine Gael is affiliated.[33] In his speech to the EPP, he stated that Fine Gael would be in government in Ireland within two years.
During the first half of 2006, Kenny went aggressively after a more populist line on the cost of immigration, street crime, paedophilia and homeowners' rights. A graphic description of a mugging he had experienced was given to the Dáil, in the context of a crime discussion, only for it to be revealed a day later that the incident had occurred in Kenya, not in Ireland.[34]
Under Kenny, Fine Gael agreed to enter a pre-election pact with the Labour Party, to offer the electorate an alternative coalition government at the 2007 general election held on 24 May 2007. The so-called Mullingar Accord was agreed in September 2004, following the European and local elections that year.[35] The Green Party also signalled via the media to be in favour of membership of such a coalition government after the election.[citation needed] However, it would not commit to an agreement before polling day.
Kenny's leadership defined Fine Gael as a party of the progressive centre. Its policy initiatives concentrated on value for money, consumer rights, civil partnerships, reform of public spending, reward and enterprise and preventative health care policy. The party sought to retake its former mantle as the law-and-order and a party committed to defending the institutions of the state. At the Fine Gael Ardfheis in March 2007, Kenny outlined his platform for the forthcoming general election entitled the "Contract for a Better Ireland".[36] The main aspects of this "contract" included: 2,300 more hospital beds, 2,000 more Gardaí, tougher jail sentences and tougher bail for criminals, free health insurance for all children under 16 and lower income tax.[citation needed] Bertie Ahern was perceived by many to have comfortably beaten Kenny in the pre-election Leaders' debate.[37] When the votes were counted it emerged that Fine Gael had made large gains, increasing its number of seats by twenty, to give a total of 51 seats in the new Dáil.[38] However, Labour and the Greens failed to make gains, leaving Kenny's "Alliance for Change" short of a majority. Despite predictions to the contrary, the Fianna Fáil vote recovered sufficiently to bring it to 78 seats, and a third term in government for Ahern.[39]
Responding to the banking crisis in County Cork, on 15 February 2009, Kenny asked the entire board of the Central Bank of Ireland's Financial Regulation section to resign.[40]
Vice-president of the EPP
In March 2006, Enda Kenny was elected as the vice-president of the European People's Party at the EPP Congress in Rome. At the time, the EPP was the largest political movement in Europe bringing together almost 70 member parties from throughout the continent.[41]
Commenting on his election Kenny said, "I am delighted that our sister parties have voted to maintain the central role Fine Gael has at the heart of a vastly enlarged European People's Party. My election to this post will ensure that we will continue to have real influence in the decision-making corridors of the largest European political family".[42]
His EPP relations would go on to play an invaluable role during his time in government and the Irish financial crisis. He left the role after 7 years in 2012.[43]
2010 leadership challenge
An opinion poll published in The Irish Times on 10 June 2010 triggered a challenge to Kenny's leadership of the party. The Ipsos MRBI poll indicated that the Labour Party had become the most popular political party in the country for the first time, and also showed a drop in backing for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, and for their leaders. It showed a five-point drop in Fianna Fáil support since January 2010, leaving that party at 17%, Fine Gael down four points to 28%, and Labour up eight points to 32%. Satisfaction with Kenny's leadership dropped 7% to 24%.[44]
Following the failure of the party's deputy leader Richard Bruton to support him, he was dismissed by Kenny on 14 June 2010. He also tabled a motion of confidence in his leadership, to be held on 17 June 2010.[44][45] On the following day it was revealed that nine members of the Fine Gael frontbench did not have confidence in Kenny to lead their party – composed of Simon Coveney, Denis Naughten, Olwyn Enright, Olivia Mitchell, Fergus O'Dowd, Michael Creed, Billy Timmins, Leo Varadkar and Brian Hayes. Denis Naughten said frontbench members did not have Kenny's support and would like him to withdraw his motion of confidence and stand down in the interest of the party.[46]
In December 2008, Vincent Browne criticised Kenny in The Irish Times for not having a grasp of the issues, notably of economic issues.[47]
The motion of confidence in Kenny was passed.[46][48] He announced a major reshuffle of his party's front bench on 1 July 2010, re-appointing Bruton, Coveney, O'Dowd, and Varadkar.[49]
2011 general election
At the start of the 2011 general election campaign, Kenny said Fine Gael recognised the importance of "the giving of hope and confidence to people through the taxation system", when speaking to reporters outside party election headquarters in Dublin. "The Fine Gael party in this election is the only party that is categorically saying that there will not be any increase in income tax over our period in government", he said. He said the country needed a strong government and not an administration that depended on the support of Independents. "I think that this is a time for courageous and strong government. It is not a time for a government that might self-combust or that would be dependent on the whim of any mercenary Independents. This is a judgment call for the people."[50]
There were several leaders' debates on television during the campaign. There were, uniquely, three debates on stations TV3, RTÉ and TG4, between Enda Kenny, Michaél Martin and Eamon Gilmore, and a five-way leaders' debate on RTÉ which also included Gerry Adams and John Gormley, along with the other participants from the three-way debates.
Kenny, however, refused to participate in the three-way leaders' debate proposed by TV3, stating his unhappiness that Vincent Browne was to chair the debate.[51] Browne is a well-known critic of Fine Gael and Kenny. In 1982, Browne appeared on The Late Late Show where he poured scorn on Kenny, claiming he was "purporting" to be a TD.[52] In October 2010, Browne was forced to make a public apology to Kenny after jokingly asking whether Fine Gael was requesting that he go into a darkroom with a gun and a bottle of whisky. This was in reference to Fine Gael's position in the polls, where they were in second place to Labour, and a previous leadership challenge to Kenny by Richard Bruton.[53] Kenny refused to appear on the leaders debate despite an offer by Browne to be replaced by a different moderator for the debate if Kenny would appear.[54][55]
Kenny participated in a three-party leader debate on RTÉ moderated by Miriam O'Callaghan,[56] and also in a five-way debate on RTÉ; this was a new format, involving all party leaders of the outgoing Dáil, including Kenny, moderated by Pat Kenny.[57]
He participated in a three-way debate in the Irish language with Micheál Martin and Eamon Gilmore on TG4.[58]
On 14 February 2011, Kenny met German Chancellor Angela Merkel to discuss the Irish economy. Kenny and Merkel have close political ties because Merkel's CDU party and Fine Gael are both members of the centre-right European People's Party (EPP), and the seating at EPP meetings is arranged by alphabetical order of the surname.[59] The close relationship between these two leaders is illustrated further by the fact that Angela Merkel also backed Enda Kenny and Fine Gael during the 2007 election.[60]
Enda Kenny makes a speech to Fine Gael party members on the day of the election results
Opinion polls of 23 February 2011, sponsored by Paddy Power,[61] the Irish Independent,[62] and The Irish Times[63] suggested that Kenny would lead Fine Gael to its largest total of seats to date in the 31st Dáil, and that he would be elected Taoiseach.
In the election, Kenny led Fine Gael to a decisive victory. The party won 76 seats, the most in its 78-year history, becoming the largest party in the Dáil for the first time. Meanwhile, Fianna Fáil suffered the worst defeat of a sitting government in the history of the Irish state, its representation being reduced by 75%. Kenny himself topped the poll in his Mayo constituency and uniquely three others from Fine Gael were elected alongside Kenny. At a victory party in Dublin, Kenny declared Fine Gael had "a massive endorsement" to govern, and the election marked "a transformative moment in Ireland's history".[64] Later, he told RTÉ that he fully expected to become Taoiseach after what he called "a democratic revolution at the ballot box".[65] While there was some talk that Fine Gael would govern alone as a minority government, senior Fine Gael leaders indicated as soon as the election result was beyond doubt that they would likely enter a coalition government with the Labour Party.[66] Late on the night of 5 March 2011, at Dublin Castle, Fine Gael and Labour formally agreed to form a coalition government with Kenny as Taoiseach[2] and Labour leader Eamon Gilmore as Tánaiste, with Labour being given four other seats in cabinet.[67]
Kenny said that his first priority upon taking office would be to renegotiate the terms of the bailout for Ireland, calling the original deal "a bad deal for Ireland and a bad deal for Europe".[68]
Taoiseach (2011–2017)
2011
The 31st Dáil convened for the first time on 9 March 2011, the Dáil nominated Kenny for appointment as Taoiseach by a vote of 117–27.[69] Kenny received his seal of office from President Mary McAleese. He also announced ministerial appointees to his Government on 9 March 2011.[70] At just under 59 years and 11 months on accession, Kenny was the second-oldest person to have assumed the office for the first time,[71] the oldest being Seán Lemass.[citation needed]
On 9 March 2011, Kenny appointed 15 junior Ministers. He also appointed a minister for political reform, and sent a request to the Office of Public Works as to how he could address ministerial transport.[72] On 15 March 2011, it was announced that only the current president, the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister for Justice and Equality were to have Garda drivers. All other Ministers would have to make use of their own transport with a mileage allowance and a commercial chauffeur as an expense. There was no announcement as to the continuing engagement of three government jets.[73]
Ministerial pay cuts
In one of his first acts as Taoiseach, Kenny slashed his own pay by €14,000 (a reduction of 7%). The new government also decided to cut the pay of senior Ministers. The Taoiseach's pay was cut from €214,187 to €200,000. Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore's pay was cut from €197,486 to €184,405. Ministers' pay was reduced to €169,275 (from €181,283), while pay for Ministers of State was cut from €139,266 to €130,042. In another cost-cutting measure, Kenny asked the Gardai, the Departments of Justice and Transport, as well as the Office of Public Works, to come up with a plan to reduce the amount spent on transporting Ministers and their teams.[74]
Financial and banking policy
On 11 March 2011, his third day in office, Kenny attended his first European Council as Taoiseach, in Brussels. During that summit, he engaged in a heated confrontation with President of France Nicolas Sarkozy (which Kenny termed "a Gallic spat") over Ireland's comparatively low 12.5% corporate tax rate, which EU leaders have frequently posited as a condition of more favourable terms for the Irish bailout.[75] Kenny held firm on his refusal to alter the corporate tax, which he reiterated in his first Leaders' Questions the following week—also declaring his government's intention to withhold further state funds from Dublin banks until the EU agreed to new terms that forced banks' senior bondholders to share in the losses.[76]
However, less than three weeks later on 31 March 2011, the Central Bank of Ireland published the results of its "stress tests" on Ireland's four surviving banks (Allied Irish Banks, Bank of Ireland, EBS, and Irish Life & Permanent) — indicating that the banks needed to raise an additional €24,000,000,000 to remain solvent.[77] Despite his earlier promise, the government announced the same day that the state would supply the necessary funds to keep the banks afloat, with Kenny stating that seeking the money from bondholders would be neither "reasonable or logical".[78]
Kenny was heavily criticised for his government's action, with the Irish Independent noting that "this is the fifth time Irish people have been told over the past couple of years it would be the last payout they would have to endure".[79]
Nevertheless, the first national opinion poll since Kenny took office, published on 10 April 2011, showed that public support for Kenny's Fine Gael party had increased since the election from 36% to 39%, although a plurality also indicated deep dissatisfaction with his rescue of the banks.[80]
2011 also saw the introduction of clampdowns on banker salaries, banker bonuses and an effective ban on variable pay, including for things like private health insurance and childcare.[81] A salary cap of €500,000 was introduced to bankers in the bailed out Irish banks. This represented a cut of as high as 87.5% from top banker salaries of €4 million during 2006.[82] An 89% 'Super Tax' was introduced on banker bonuses above €20,000. These measures were only relaxed in 2023.[83]
On 21 July 2011, Kenny announced that an agreement had been reached by Eurozone leaders to reduce Ireland's interest rate by 2% and extend the repayment period.[84]
Pension levy controversy
On 9 May 2011, Kenny's government announced a new job creation program, along with a plan to finance it via a 0.6% tax levy on private pension savings.[85] Public pension funds, however, would remain untouched. The pension levy caused an immediate and intense outcry, leaving Kenny to defend the initiative as "a modest proposal" and refuting charges that the government would next tax personal savings.[86][87] However, the controversy surrounding the levy intensified on 12 May 2011, when Kenny admitted that the holders of Approved Retirement Funds—most of whom were among the highest income earners in Ireland—would not be included in the levy.[88]
Political reforms
On 3 May 2011, Kenny's government approved a set of political reforms that adhered to promises he had made in the general election.[89][90] Among the approved reforms were a binding Constituency Commission scheduled for June 2011, with the specific purpose of reducing the number of TDs by up to 20;[89] an act to establish a six-month time limit for holding by-elections to the Dáil; a €750,000 spending limit in the 2011 presidential election; legislation to ban corporate donations, to be enacted by summer 2011; establishment of a Constitutional Convention in 2011, which was to include discussion of the future of the Seanad; and a referendum on its abolition, to be held in the second half of 2012.[90] The promise to cut up to 20 TDs caused some controversy and scepticism, due to the Constitutional requirement that there be no less than one TD for every 30,000 people, which would necessitate a minimum of 150 TDs—meaning that the current number of 166 TDs could be reduced by 16 at most.[91]
Vatican reprimand and response
On 13 July 2011, the Cloyne Report was published, detailing the investigation into allegations of child sexual abuse by 19 priests in the Roman Catholic Diocese of Cloyne.[92] Among the report's findings were the revelation that the vast majority of allegations made in the diocese were not reported to the Garda, as required by the Church's 1996 guidelines; that the Bishop of the Diocese, John Magee, and others had withheld full co-operation with the Government's investigation and had deliberately misrepresented his own response to the allegations; and that the Vatican itself had both refused to co-operate in the investigation and counselled the Diocese that the 1996 guidelines were not binding.[93]
On 20 July 2011, Kenny condemned the Vatican[94] for its role in the scandal, stating that the Church's role in obstructing the investigation was a serious infringement upon the sovereignty of Ireland and that the scandal revealed "the dysfunction, disconnection and elitism that dominates the culture of the Vatican to this day".[95] He added that "the historic relationship between church and state in Ireland could not be the same again".[96][97]
Kenny's attack on the Vatican was unprecedented by a high-level official in Ireland. The speech was widely regarded as extraordinary, with the Daily Mail commenting that the attack was "the first time that Ireland's Parliament has publicly castigated the Vatican instead of local church leaders during the country's 17 years of paedophile-priest scandals".[97] The Guardian remarked that " the political classes have...lost their fear, namely of the once almighty Roman Catholic church."[98]
On 3 September, the Holy See issued its response to Kenny's speech noting that "the accusation that the Holy See attempted "to frustrate an Inquiry in a sovereign, democratic republic as little as three years ago, not three decades ago", which Kenny made no attempt to substantiate, is unfounded. Indeed, when asked, a Government spokesperson clarified that Kenny was not referring to any specific incident". The response added that "Those Reports [...] contain no evidence to suggest that the Holy See meddled in the internal affairs of the Irish State or, for that matter, was involved in the day-to-day management of Irish dioceses or religious congregations with respect to sexual abuse issues".
On the quoting of then-Cardinal Ratzinger, the response notes that the quotation was taken from the Instruction on the Ecclesial Vocation of the Theologian, otherwise known as Donum Veritatis (The Gift of the Truth), published by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith on 24 May 1990, and signed by the prefect and secretary of the congregation. Therefore, it is not a private text of Cardinal Ratzinger but an official document of the congregation.[99]
First national address
Kenny gave a televised address to the nation on 4 December 2011, ahead of the delivery of the 2012 Irish budget.[100] He warned that Budget 2012 "will be tough", and that "it has to be". He also said that it would move Ireland towards a manageable deficit of 3% of GDP by 2015.[101] This was only the sixth time that a Taoiseach had addressed the nation,[102] reflecting the gravity of the Irish economic condition, in what Kenny stressed were "exceptional" circumstances.[103] The broadcast was the second-most watched television programme of 2011 in Ireland, attracting an audience of 1.2 million viewers.[104]
2012
Time magazine cover
In October 2012, Kenny became the first Taoiseach since Seán Lemass to be featured on the cover of Time magazine.[105] The related article, entitled "The Celtic Comeback", "glows" about Kenny's performance as Taoiseach and says he is "underestimated" by the Irish public.[106] Catherine Mayer, who wrote the article, described Kenny as "charming", "shrewd" and "extremely likeable".[106] Mayer said that what she was really trying to see was "what was behind that likability". "In small groups he is much more fluent and compelling than he would appear to be were you to judge him from his big media set pieces. When cameras train on him he seems to freeze up, which is an interesting problem for somebody in that position. But when he's relaxed he's interesting and has a lot to say,” she said.[105] In the article, Kenny stated; "I've no interest in looking for credit or thanks. Providing a prosperous future for all our people, that's what drives me."[105]
European of the Year Winner
On the 8th of November 2012, Kenny won the “Golden Victoria European of the Year 2012” award.[107] The award is presented by the German Magazine Publishers Association (VDZ)[108] and previous winners of the award include José Manuel Barroso and Donald Tusk.
In a statement the publishers said they had chosen Kenny as the winner because of his "strong contribution to Europe and commitment to European ideals both as Prime Minister and throughout his many years in public life".[109] They added that "In these difficult times, Europe benefits from the open, outward looking character of the Irish State and people and from the calibre of its Prime Minister, Enda Kenny."[109]
Enda Kenny said he felt privileged to accept the award "on behalf of the Irish people at home and overseas" at a ceremony in Berlin. The Taoiseach said Ireland's commitment and contribution to Europe "far exceed" the country's 40-year EU membership, and pointed out that the people of Ireland voted "more often more positively on Europe than any other EU member."[107]
Nobel Peace Prize
To complete a string of awards in late 2012, on 10 December Kenny was one of 20 EU Leaders chosen to travel to Oslo to accept the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the European Union.[110]
The chair of the Nobel Committee, Thorbjorn Jagland, said the award was both deserved and necessary. He said the EU needs to move forward to consolidate the efforts, which delivered a continent of peace.[110]
2013
Presidency of the Council of the European Union
For the first six months of 2013, Ireland took the Presidency of the Council of the European Union. The presidency is not an individual, but rather the position is held by a national government. The presidency's function is to chair meetings of the council, determine its agendas, set a work program and facilitate dialogue both at council meetings and with other EU institutions.
At a ceremony to mark the start of the Irish EU presidency, Taoiseach Enda Kenny vowed that the Irish EU presidency would bring "new hope" to people in the midst of the economic crisis. "We all know too well here in Ireland the huge sacrifices the crisis has meant. The people of Europe and Ireland need to know and need to see there is progress being made. That there is a next step to recovery," he said.[111] The Government promised to push strongly for a deal on Ireland's €64bn bank debt during the six-month EU presidency, while making progress on other vital EU issues such as setting up a banking union and the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP).[112]
The budget for the presidency was €33m less than the €110m extravaganza that took place when Ireland last hosted the presidency in 2004 under Bertie Ahern's government, which saw meetings held in five-star hotels such as Dromoland Castle in Clare and Ashford Castle in Mayo.[113]
Despite the reduced budget, in May 2013 talks in Brussels chaired by Kenny and then Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore saw the deadlock over the EU's nearly €1 trillion budget, which had persisted since November the previous year,[114] finally broken.[115]
Promissory notes
In February 2013, a deal was reached with the European Central Bank, in relation to the promissory note used to bail out the former Anglo Irish Bank. Kenny described it as "a good day for the country and its people".[116] He told the Dáil that, as a result of the changes, there would be a €20 billion reduction in the borrowing requirement of the National Treasury Management Agency in the years ahead, but also cautioned that the agreement was not a "silver bullet".[117]
Magdalene laundries apology
On 19 February 2013, Kenny apologised in Dáil Éireann, on behalf of the State to the survivors of the Magdalene laundries. The government also told the estimated 800 to 1,000 surviving Magdalene women that a compensation scheme would be set up for them.[118] However, by February 2014, none of the 684 applicants had received their statutory old-age pensions or health care benefits promised.[119]
Rumoured links to top European jobs
In mid 2013 Enda Kenny began to be linked with two high-profiled and powerful jobs in the EU.[120] In August, Kenny became the frontrunner to take over the powerful post of European Council president (who chairs the meetings of EU leaders where all the major decisions are made) while he had an outside shot for the post of European Commission president (the head of the EU cabinet) according to an analysis of the contenders conducted by the influential Brussels-based opinion-shaper; Burson-Marsteller.[120]
Kenny was in contention as he was seen as "capable but not a big name with an ego". He had "a good profile for the European Council job in particular – a consensus-builder from a small member state who has had some success at EU level with his successful steering of negotiations on the EU's long-term budget during the Irish presidency."[120]
Rumours persisted and in June 2014 Kenny again dismissed speculation that he could be appointed the new president of the European Commission stating that "I've a job to do here". [121] David Cameron confirmed that he and Angela Merkel sounded out Kenny for the European Commission president post in 2014 in his autobiography.[122]
Kenny was still being linked to the post of president of the European Council as late as 2017 after he announced he was stepping down as Taoiseach and leader of Fine Gael. Senior EU sources told the Sunday Independent that the president at that time, Donald Tusk, might not stay for another term in office after he failed to get the backing of his home country, Poland, for a second stint in the office.[123]
The EU source said there was "significant pressure" on the Taoiseach from the European People's Party (EPP) to take the job three years ago and that "If Tusk steps out of the field Kenny would be the clear favourite to take over".[123]
Ireland becomes the first country to exit a Troika bailout
Three years after being saved from bankruptcy by a trio of international lenders with a €67.5bn loan (the so-called "troika"), in December 2013 Kenny's coalition government led Ireland out of the eurozone bailout programme, becoming the first country to do so.[124]
Ireland's announcement that it would not seek more funds from the International Monetary Fund, European Commission and European Central Bank was seized upon by the EC president, José Manuel Barroso, as evidence that the eurozone can stage a full recovery. "Ireland's success sends an important message - that with determination and support from partner countries we can and will emerge stronger from this deep crisis," he said.[124]
At the time, Greece, Cyprus and Portugal were still working through rescue programmes, which included external scrutiny of government budgets, while Spain had also received funds to recapitalise its banks.[124]
Having implemented spending cuts, asset sales and reforms required under the bailout, Ireland was embraced again by the debt markets that shut out the country at the turn of the decade. It had raised enough debt independently to fund itself into 2015 and had more than €20bn (£17bn) in the bank.[124] However, relief was tempered with warnings from Irish ministers that the policy of austerity must continue, in order to drive down the country's mountain of debt. Irish finance minister Michael Noonan said: "This isn't the end of the road. This is a very significant milestone on the road".[124]
The view of Ireland held by other eurozone leaders greatly improved with Ireland's recovery and exit and Enda Kenny was praised by German Chancellor Angela Merkel for implementing cuts in public spending.[125] The exit meant Ireland regained its economic sovereignty on 15 December 2013.[126]
Second national address
To mark the end of the Troika bailout in December 2013, Kenny gave a second address to the nation, saying that the country was moving in the right direction and that the economy was starting to recover.[127]
2014
Resignations of Martin Callinan and Alan Shatter
In March 2014, in response to reports that Garda stations were bugged, Kenny informed the Dáil that he had sent Brian Purcell, the secretary general of the Department of Justice, to Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan, the day before Callinan's sudden departure from his role. Leader of the Opposition Micheál Martin said this meant Kenny had effectively "sacked" Callinan. Kenny also said that he had been personally briefed on Garda surveillance by his Attorney General Máire Whelan, as Whelan did not wish to speak of the matter over the telephone.[128]
In May 2014, following the resignation of Minister for Justice and Equality Alan Shatter, support for Kenny and his party slumped at the local and European elections.[129] Kenny was later to be seen doing some "happy dancing" at the annual Bloom Festival.[130][131]
2015
In March 2015, Kenny was criticised for his lack of understanding towards Wexford TD Mick Wallace's inability to speak Irish, during leader's questions in the Dáil.[132]
On 22 September 2015, Kenny controversially delayed leaders' questions in the Dáil so that he could open the Denis O'Brien-controlled Independent News & Media's new digital hub.[133] Kenny had previously launched a book for James Morrissey, the long-term paid spokesperson for O'Brien.[134]
A "punching gesture" made by Kenny as Mary Lou McDonald was speaking during a Dáil debate on the Budget on 13 October 2015, attracted public notice. McDonald later responded by saying, "a punching gesture is unusual behaviour to say the least and I would suggest not to be repeated".[135]
Later that month, Kenny told a gathering of the European People's Party (EPP) in Madrid, that he had been instructed to have the army guarded ATMs, during the economic downturn. Opposition TDs wondered why he did not tell this to the banking inquiry and Kenny was accused of "telling a tall tale". Kenny himself later contradicted his own account by saying he had not received a specific briefing on the matter. A spokesman for Kenny later claimed it had been "informally discussed" in Government Buildings in early 2012, but that minutes had not been kept due to the sensitivity of the details therein.[136]
2016
On 3 February 2016, Kenny announced his intention to request that President Higgins dissolve the 31st Dáil. He told the Dáil before its dissolution that the 2016 general election would occur on Friday, 26 February.[137]
At a Fine Gael rally in his home town of Castlebar, County Mayo, on 20 February 2016, Kenny informed an audience that his local constituents were All-Ireland champion "whingers". He later told media in Galway, that he was referring to local Fianna Fáil members.[138]
Fine Gael won 50 seats in the 32nd Dáil, 29 short of an overall majority. Preliminary discussions took place with Leader of the Opposition Mícheál Martin, in order to agree on an arrangement to support either Kenny, Fine Gael or under a new leader to form a new government.[139] On 10 March 2016, Kenny resigned as Taoiseach, after failing to win enough votes to be elected for a second term. He and the cabinet continued in a caretaker capacity until a new government was formed.[140]
As caretaker Kenny went to Washington, D.C., as usual for Saint Patrick's Day. There he was reported as having told the Irish Embassy: "Bejaysus, I wish I didn't have to go back and face what I have to face".[141] He also met President Barack Obama, as part of the annual visit of the Taoiseach to the White House, for the handing over of the bowl of shamrock.[142]
On 29 April 2016, an agreement was reached with Fianna Fáil to allow a Fine Gael–led minority government, and on 6 May 2016, Kenny was elected Taoiseach again, by a margin of 59 to 49 votes (with 51 abstentions), and formed a government. He became the first member of Fine Gael to win re-election as Taoiseach in the party's history.[3] Kenny also took over as Minister for Defence, from Simon Coveney, who was appointed Minister for Housing, Planning, Community and Local Government.[143]
Regarding the United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Kenny went on record as saying the possibility of a "Brexit" would cause a "serious difficulty" with maintaining peace in Northern Ireland.[144] He was described as favouring Britain remaining in the European Union, for were Britain to leave the EU, the peace settlement in Northern Ireland might collapse.[144] This statement was denounced by Theresa Villiers, the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, as "scaremongering of the worst possible kind"; she stated that the Common Travel Area, the "open border" encompassing the United Kingdom and Ireland, would not be affected by Britain's departure from the EU.[145]
2017
On 30 January 2017, a joint press meeting was held between Enda Kenny and British Prime Minister Theresa May, in Merrion Street, Dublin, to discuss the implications of Brexit on Northern Ireland and Ireland.[146]
After the 2016 general election, there were calls for him to step down as Leader of Fine Gael, and thus as Taoiseach. After the uncovering of the Garda smear campaign of sergeant Maurice McCabe, some backbench TDs lost confidence in Kenny.[147][148] Kenny had stated he would indicate his plans for a leadership change following his return from the US for the traditional St. Patrick's Day celebrations; however, at the St. Patrick's Day parade in New York City, Kenny stated that he would not stand down from leadership until the issues of Brexit and the aftermath of the snap election in Northern Ireland had been resolved, saying that "you can't have a situation where you have no leadership in Northern Ireland and where we have to define from a European Union point of view where Ireland would be, what the agreed terms of reference for the [Brexit] negotiations are". He also remarked that he and Prime Minister May were in agreement that there would not be a return to direct rule from Westminster in Northern Ireland.[149] On 20 March, Finance Minister Michael Noonan stated that Kenny should remain in office at least until June, when the next phase of EU Brexit negotiations was set to begin. The following day, Kenny announced that he would not consider standing down until May at the earliest, and that he planned to attend the European Council on 29 April 2017, to discuss strategy surrounding Brexit.[150]
Viral St. Patrick's Day White House Speech
Enda Kenny's speech on the value of immigration in front of the US president Donald Trump went viral in March 2017 and was widely praised.[151] Kenny's address, which he delivered at a St Patrick's Day event on Capitol Hill, made no reference to Trump's policies. However, it was interpreted in sections of the US and UK media as a thinly veiled criticism of Trump's plans to ban immigration from certain Muslim countries and to build a wall along the Mexican border.[151]
The speech garnered much attention in the United States media. Occupy Democrats showcased the video on their Facebook page with the headline "Irish PM SCHOOLS Trump: 'St Patrick Was An Immigrant' Right to Trump's face!".[151] Vox covered the story with a headline reading "Watch Ireland's prime minister bash Trump's anti-immigration views just feet away from Trump"[152] while The New York Times reported the speech under the headline: "Irish Premier Uses St Patrick's Day Ritual to Lecture Trump on Immigration."[151]
In his speech, Kenny said Saint Patrick was an immigrant and was, in many ways, the patron saint of immigrants along with being the patron saint of Ireland. "Four decades before Lady Liberty lifted her lamp, we were the wretched refuse on the teeming shore. We believed in the shelter of America, in the compassion of America, in the opportunity of America. We came and became Americans."[151]
A video of a section of the speech was posted on the Channel 4 Facebook page on the morning of St Patrick's Day. The video clip went viral with over 30 million views in just two days.[151]
United Ireland clause
During the Brexit negotiations of 2017, Enda Kenny insisted on the inclusion of a united Ireland clause.[153] The text spelt out that in the event of a future unity referendum in Ireland, as envisaged by the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland would automatically rejoin the European Union.[154]
The British government attempted to block the insertion of the Irish unity clause into the text of an extraordinary summit of EU leaders at the end of April, with Irish officials being subjected to what one source described as 'a sustained diplomatic offensive' by Britain.[154] Officials from the British Department for Exiting the EU tried to set up a phone call between Prime Minister Theresa May and Kenny on the issue. However, the officials were told that the phone call would not happen, and that Kenny was 'sticking to his guns'.[154] Enda Kenny requested the clause and it was unanimously adopted by the other 26 member states.[154] Political Editor Daniel McConnell argues that the specific mention of Irish unity, known as 'the Kenny text' in the Brexit talks agenda, was Kenny's crowning achievement.[155]
Connacht GAA Centre of Excellence
Enda Kenny was credited with making the world's largest sports air dome, located just outside Knock, County Mayo, a financially feasible project.[156] Though an indoor playing facility of some description was in the long-term plans when the sod was first turned at the facility in 2010, it wasn't until 2017 when the right path became clear thanks to the surprise visit of Kenny during his time in office.
Calling in for an unannounced look around, it was the Taoiseach who first suggested installing an air dome, similar to the one used by his local tennis club in Castlebar. That was the Eureka moment.[156] Connacht GAA secretary John Prenty and Cathal Cregg, the provincial games manager based at the centre, executed on the idea.
As the groundworks were already in place, the structure, covering 15,000m2 in size, took just five employees and only one month to erect.[156] The completed project includes a facility 26 metres in height at its highest point, 150m in length and 100m wide. It has a 30m running track on one side of the pitch with a capacity to insert seating for 600 people on the opposite side. Light, cameras and speakers are suspended against the structure right the way around.[156] The project cost €3.1 million.[156]
Playing opportunities are only the beginning for the air dome. With the ability to host 10,000 people in a concert setting, the dome is one of the largest indoor venues in Ireland. It could host concerts, conferences, trade exhibitions and more. But it will be first and foremost a GAA facility that can pay for itself in the short- and long-term. "The opportunities are limitless," said Prenty.[156]
Retirement
On 17 May 2017, Kenny announced his intention to step down as party leader, effective at midnight.[157] He requested that the party conclude the election of his successor by 2 June 2017, and said that he would step down as Taoiseach shortly thereafter.[5] In the ensuing election, Minister for Social Protection Leo Varadkar was elected Leader of Fine Gael.[158] In a statement, Kenny offered his "heartiest congratulations" to Varadkar, saying "this is a tremendous honour for him and I know he will devote his life to improving the lives of people across our country".[159]
In early June 2017, Kenny made his final trip to the U.S. as Taoiseach. While in Chicago on 4 June 2017, he was in attendance at Soldier Field for Irish rock band U2's performance as part of their Joshua Tree Tour.[160] U2 lead singer Bono dedicated their performance of the song "Trip Through Your Wires" to Kenny,[161] saying "The man we call Taoiseach, which I think might mean head of the house or something like that... The chieftain of our country is here tonight! ...We'd like to honour our graceful leader."[162]
On 13 June 2017, Kenny tendered his resignation as Taoiseach. The following day, 14 June 2017, he nominated Varadkar to formally succeed him as Taoiseach in the Dáil; the Dáil approved the nomination. Kenny then made his farewell address to the Dáil, quoting U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt: "Far and away, the best prize that life has to offer is a chance to work hard at work worth doing". After receiving a standing ovation from the Dáil, Kenny departed for Áras an Uachtaráin and submitted his resignation to President Michael D. Higgins. In his last duty as Taoiseach he advised the President that the Dáil had nominated Varadkar as Taoiseach and that the President should thus invite him to form a new government and appoint him as Taoiseach in accordance with the constitution.[7]
Return to the backbenches (2017–2020)
On 29 December 2017, Kenny was a wedding guest of Fine Gael Senator Jerry Buttimer in Cork. When a reporter took the opportunity to remind him of a nearby event centre of which Kenny had "turned the sod" nearly two years previously, but of which the construction was now halted, Kenny made it known he was there to attend a marriage.[163]
In June 2018, Kenny was named 'Irish European of the Year' for "his outstanding contribution to promoting and developing Ireland's place in Europe through some of the most challenging circumstances in our history around the time of the Brexit referendum to also chairing the European Council and developing and promoting our relationship with the European Union".[164]
In October 2019, RTÉ Investigates reported that Kenny had voted in the Dáil on just three occasions in 2019 (two of those votes taking place on the same day), and had missed 96% of votes that took place between June 2017 and July 2019. In total, he had voted just 15 times in that period out of a possible 400 votes. The report stated that Kenny's attendance in the Dáil had been registered on 263 days during that period, and that he had claimed the full travel and accommodation allowance of €47,000 to which he was entitled, in addition to his salary.[165]
TK Whitaker Award for Outstanding Contribution to Public Life
In December 2017, Kenny was awarded the 'TK Whitaker Award for Outstanding Contribution to Public Life' at the 43rd annual Business & Finance Awards, at a ceremony in Dublin.[166] Kenny was said to have delivered "a wide-ranging and truly fascinating speech" in which "he spoke of many of the trials, tribulations and highlights of his career, giving the crowd both ample cause for reflection, as well as many moments of laughter."[166]
Previous and subsequent winners of the award include Presidents of Ireland Michael D. Higgins and Mary McAleese and Irish actor Gabriel Byrne.
Post-political activity
Iarnród Enda (2021)
He presented a six part Irish language television series about old Irish railway routes on RTÉ One in 2021, called Iarnród Enda.[167][168] It commenced broadcasting on Monday 5 April 2021. Kenny donated his salary from the show to the Mayo Roscommon Hospice.
Other activity
In 2019, Kenny was appointed chair of the global advisory board of Dublin private equity firm Venturewave Capital. In August 2021, Kenny joined the board of Heneghan Strategic Communications, the lobbying and public relations agency run by Nigel Heneghan. In September 2021, he joined the board of Dublin-headquartered 'mechanical tree' firm Carbon Collect as a non-executive director.[169][170][171]
Legacy
Kenny left a lasting impact on his Fine Gael party. He is the only person in modern Irish politics to take control of a major political party from the back benches.[172] When he became Fine Gael party leader in 2002, Fine Gael had won just 31 seats in the previous 2002 general election, 23 seats fewer than the 1997 general election. Under his leadership, Kenny grew the party in every election he contested (general, local and European) until his last general election in 2016.[172] This run included winning 76 seats in the 2011 general election, a gain of 45 seats from when he took over the party leadership in 2002. This significant gain resulted in Fine Gael becoming the largest party in Dáil Éireann for the first time in its 78-year history.
The 2011 general election victory also included a historic 4 out of 5 seats won by Fine Gael candidates in Kenny's Mayo constituency (with Kenny himself topping the poll).[173] This had never been achieved by any political party in a 5-seat constituency before. According to political pundit Kevin Doyle, "everyone in the party recognises that he leaves it in a toe-to-toe battle with Fianna Fáil ahead. When he took over they weren't even at the races".[174]
Kenny's tenure as Taoiseach was dominated by the introduction of austerity policies in the aftermath of the economic recession.[175] These policies began under the previous Fianna Fáil government in 2008, and continued for much of his first term. Overall, the impact of these budgets has been described as not conforming to "either a progressive pattern (losses increasing with income) or regressive pattern (losses declining with income)" by the Economic and Social Research Institute.[176]
Despite the economic climate in which he took over, for many political pundits including Fergus Finlay and David Davin-Power, Kenny ranks high on the list of the greatest Taoisigh of all time.[172] During his time in office, Kenny's government regained Irish sovereignty after one of the worst economic crises in Irish history. When Kenny took office as Taoiseach in 2011, the unemployment rate for the State on a Principal Economic Status basis was 19%.[177] By the time he stepped down as Taoiseach in 2017 the unemployment rate was just 6.4%.[178]
In a similar vein, in Kenny's first year in office Irish emigration levels reached 87,100 people per year.[179] When he stepped down in 2017 this figure had reduced by nearly 30% to 64,800 people.[180] Fewer than half of those emigrating in 2017 were Irish nationals. Kenny also oversaw a reduction of €28,837 in the Taoiseach's salary in two separate cuts. He sold the state owned jet[181] and cut Garda drivers for his own cabinet ministers and for all retired Taoisigh.[182] During the 2011 election campaign Kenny vowed to make Ireland the best small country in the world to do business. By the end of his tenure as Taoiseach, various studies suggested that Ireland, even if not the best in the world, at least ranked very highly in this regard.[174] When Enda Kenny stepped down, Ireland had the fastest-growing economy in Europe.[174]
Enda Kenny's insistence on the inclusion of a united Ireland clause in the Brexit negotiations[153] could leave a lasting impact on the island of Ireland. Political Editor Daniel McConnell argues that the specific mention of Irish unity, known as 'the Kenny text' in the Brexit talks agenda, was Kenny's crowning achievement.[155] The text spelt out that in the event of a future unity referendum in Ireland, as envisaged by the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland would automatically rejoin the European Union.[154]
When Kenny stepped down he was the longest-serving Fine Gael Taoiseach.[183] Political journalist John Downing wrote a biography of Kenny titled Enda Kenny: The Unlikely Taoiseach.[184]
Public image
In July 2011, four months after became Taoiseach, Kenny's approval rating was 53%, a huge increase from his predecessor Brian Cowen's 10% when he left office.[185] However, like Cowen, Kenny's ratings declined. It went to 51–52% before falling to 44% then to 36% in 2012. Then his ratings fell to 30% before rising to 34% before falling to its low point of 20% when 2014 ended.[186] However, unlike Cowen, Kenny's approval ratings has improved since that point rising to 28% then to 31% before hovering around 30–33% before rising to 36% and then eventually leaving office with a 44% approval.[citation needed]
Personal life
Kenny has been married to Fionnuala O'Kelly since 1992. She has been described by the media as his "secret weapon".[187] O'Kelly is a first cousin to sitting Fine Gael MEP Seán Kelly,[188] who also served as a president of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA). The O'Kelly family originally come from the parish of Kilcummin near Killarney, County Kerry. The couple have three children: one daughter, Aoibhinn, and two sons, Ferdia and Naoise. The couple met in Leinster House, where O'Kelly worked as a press officer for Fianna Fáil. She later worked with Raidió Teilifís Éireann (RTÉ).[189][187][190]
Kenny has climbed Mount Kilimanjaro and completed the Ring of Kerry Charity Cycle.[191][192] He is a keen supporter of his native Mayo GAA football team, and played football for his local club, Islandeady GAA,[193] of which he is the current club president. His father Henry, won an All-Ireland medal with the county team in 1936. His grandfather was a lighthouse keeper.[194]
In February 2023, a spokesperson for Kenny announced he had been diagnosed with cancer. Kenny had undergone a medical procedure to treat the cancer and was expected to make a full recovery.[195]
See also
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Feargal Deery and INL News Group v "The Banty" Seamus McEnaney
Feargal Deery and INL News Group v "The Banty" Seamus McEnaney
The Truth Will Not Be Silenced
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The BIG Multimillion Fraud The 8 Year Battle Against Corruption
by Mister Deery & Co to Regain Control Of Master Deerys
Involving AIB, Grant Thornton, Seamus McEneany, Garda, Morriseys Auctioneers, Jim Stafford & Associates
Introduction
From Affidavit of Feargal Deery swron 22nd May 2017
"...Because of the actions of AIB we have barely been able to put food on the table and buy clothes, school books for the children etc. Martin Slattery head of Commercial Unit North should be sacked for the reign of terror he has initiated against us on behalf of the McEneaney family over the past number of years. His passing of our intellectual information and property to them has caused untold distress especially to myself and my wife Emma. Never mind all the underhand activity surrounding Master Deerys. As well as this, the Deery brothers have a small mortgage on the present home of my parents of circa 90k.
AIB have refused to allow my family any breathing space on this but they can write off millions for the McEneanys, hand them our information and sell them our business at scrap value as if we don't exist. I beg to refer to the details of this mortgage hand written by my father himself who has watched his family being torn apart because of Page 4 of 11 the disingenuous actions of many – Exhibit FD17. I have endorsed my name prior to the swearing hereof. 19) It is quite clear given our first hand experience that there is actually no code of conduct within the AIB. The Wild West springs to mind as they react to protect a small elite around the country. Paper work or paper trails have no meaning given the sequence of events surrounding Master Deerys and our home...
",, Obligations! AIB don't honour anything. It's quite clear we have been bullied in an attempt to force us into submission with “Private and Confidential” over the years and the threat of high court proceedings as well as all the threats over the years surrounding our home never mind the years of abuse prior to the eviction. I beg to refer to the chronology and background Exhibit which I have marked with FD18. I have endorsed my name prior to the swearing hereof. 21) AIB have made no effort to engage with us on our business or on our home. This is quite clear from the chain of events over the last 8 years. The McEneaneys are also in denial and while having run out of road from a civil perspective they have attempted to have me branded a criminal using what are clearly connections within the force. The first of these occured in April 2016 and again on August the 4th 2016 when I was aksed by Sargeant Stephen Kelly to give him a statement around locks and fraud. He informed me that this exercise would get everything in court and I would have my say. He turned circa €200 euro worth of damage to what are my own locks into circa €8000 euro on that day. Having been in court I returned to him and showed him the invalid charge sheets and the wrong addresses. I told him I had a family to provide for and that I was going up the street to secure my stolen property given the facts. I beg to refer to the invalid charge sheets – all wrong addresses and fraudulent information with regards to damage plus the fact the property belongs to us based on facts - Exhibit FD18. I beg to the said letter upon which marked with the reference. I have endorsed my name prior to the swearing hereof. The correct..!"
We at Mister Deery & Co have designed this document to bring to the publics attention the level of corruption now embedded in Irish society. The information we have gained is based on the struggle to retain and regain control of Masters Deerys in Monaghan town. Our bespokely built hospitality complex was constructed by the Deery family over the previous circa 15 years until the illegal receivership issued by AIB in 2013. This illegal receivership was caused by fraud. We hope when you have finished reading this document you will have a similar story to identify criminality in your own communities or Jurisdictions. If you have a story to share please feel free to send it to our email specified on the facebook post. We are working on developing a website similar to wikileaks with a social networking platform implemented similar to facebook. Our own rules to be announced by a democratic vote in the future. We will put your information on irishexposure.com for the public and for professionals to read and review if your document(s) are backed up by evidence. The site irishexposure.com is outside the jurisdiction for the Irish legal system so it cannot be taken down by Irish authorities. It's hosted in the same country as wikileaks, this being based in Sweden. We expect that as this project we have started progresses, the irishexposure.com website will attract a lot of people to seeing your story, and helping you get justice by us getting together on common experiences both for advice and people power generation. At the moment you will find if you visit the website there is nothing hosted there just yet as it's going to be put up soon. It's been our number one priority to get this document out to you first. Check the website out for updates regularly in the future though. I would like to mention that a recently appointed director of Mister Deery & Co, Mr. Emmet Macken has helped to create this document and has been looking all over the IT aspect including setting up our social media implementation and website for hosting your materials as well as our own. Mr. Macken also has loads more to offer and has been heavily involved - an expert on understanding complex systems and issues, with problems from the highest government level, bureaucracy problems in Ireland and to large corporations taking over. We discovered we had the same idealistic vision for Ireland and we believe we can sort out the things we want. Emmet has joined due to the incorporation of the Deery portfolio and our vision of managing multiple companies down the line; all in the name of achieving our vision for the country.
The social media platform will be outside control of those that may want to keep us quiet in this country also, just like the section on the website for hosting exposed content and information. The following affidavit (starting on page 5) came about in response to AIB's attempt to repossess the home of myself Feargal and my wife Emma Deery, the main force in the Deery Empire. The AIB affidavit is linked to in the download full document link on the facebook post you are viewing this page from; however to understand the situation you don't necessarily need to read the original AIB's one, just the one discussed in the following paragraph will give you a very good understanding, about the situation we were put into. Our affidavit begins on page four and it is set out in story form, outlining the main experiences over the last 8 years. While reading this affidavit you can click on Exhibit links (highlighted blue) and this will bring up the relative documents. (you must download the document linked on the facebook post to get access to the exhibits). The exhibits provide the proof of what is being said on that particular section of the affidavit. On each exhibit page we have also put a link on the top right to return you back to the same section you clicked from in the affidavit. Once you open an exhibit you will find that we have added the page numbers at the bottom right; this was done so you know how many pages there are in the particular exhibit you are viewing.
We have done our best to make sure that this document is easy for you to navigate and read, any feedback you may have if you feel that you get a little lost, or need more clarification on something will be appreciated; it can be sent to our temporary email address specified in the facebook post. A call center solution is expected to be implemented in the near future. You will find the affidavit template is on page 12 of the downloaded document. This template was supplied kindly by “The Hub - Ireland”; we were able to use the hubs format in writing our own affidavit. The Hub is a voluntary organization based in Dublin, that can give information out to you if you have issues or concerns about home repossessions.
The Hub can be reached by searching for their name on facebook, they have helped many people and continue to do so in great spirit. An inspiration to us here at Mister Deery & Co. They have helped many people and continue to do so in great spirit. An inspiration to us here at Mister Deery & Co. Regarding having discussed the affidavits and the exhibits available in this document, we have extra information available by request. Included in the extras archive are "The Shorties Blueprint", which was the stolen intellectual information used in three locations, the "Westernra @ Shifty Mulhares"; "Dusty O' Neill's" in Carrick and "Foleys" in Dublin; all these locations being owned by Seamus and Frank McEneaney with Ciaran & Orla Marron as a front.
Also included in the extras are public notices used as propaganda over the last few years to maintain the integrity of our business name and brand. The main tools of this uphill battle to retain and regain control of Master Deerys were patience, persistence and remaining calm at all times while reading the road ahead. The current system is a maze which is setup to discourage the 99% from fighting injustice. That is 1 in every 100 people you meet.
It's all part of this white collar crime. Some individuals have access to these insiders even though these individuals don't otherwise work in the financial sector. Individuals with little empathy for their victims at all levels. At the end of the day, where there's a will there's a way; luckily for you we are here to support you in your own plight: our priorities are to be straight and fair with people; as opposed to some of the people that we had to deal with over the last 8 years.
Finally before you move on we want to say this: For those who take a humane approach to tackling the systems we live in; we should rally together; we already have a following! That is what this document, our website & our own implementation of non-censored social media is designed to do; form social networks to power peoples experience and expected justice in one place. You can contact us via the email referenced in the facebook post for advice or just to have a chat about your experiences, observations and the wisdom you have gained, just like we want to do with you!
Overview of Business
Master Deerys was a bespoke hospitality complex constructed by the Deery family over the previous circa 15 years prior to our forced illegal receivership 8 years ago. The complex comprised of 35000sq ft of space, 15000sq ft was in use at the time of our eviction. While the space was not all developed at that particular stage, the business was still turning over circa 2 million euro prior to receivership. Given the level of debt with that turnover and the age of the brothers we were the only unit with the youth on our side to pay off our debts, among those involved in this fraudulent scandal.
There are also other angles mentioned in the attached affidavit that AIB were fully aware of: debt, ability to pay, work ethic and vision; none of these were or would have been a problem regarding maintaining the company debt. That debt being used to expand the business and make more profit while paying back our debt consistently and reliably.
In my opinion, without the name and without the right connections in Ireland you are potentially going to be treated unfairly; the country being one of the most corrupt countries in the western world as evidenced by available research. It means like many others up and down the country, we were forced into this situation we found ourselves in; where those with influence tore down competitors or other businesses for financial gain with little to no empathy for their victims.
Currently, due to evidence to hold this fraud to account, we have taken back control of the complex but need to reunite Master Deerys with the liquor license currently held by Seamus McEneaney. This can all can be viewed and is explained in the attached affidavit and exhibits.
We have tried to resolve matters with Ciaran and Orla Marron who initially signed for the property on behalf of McEneaney, even going as far as meeting and furnishing Peader Marron who is Ciarans father with the facts but to no avail.
All the Deery family wish to do is get back to work in the business that's been stolen from them. We have no gripe with anyone and have made this clear in previous correspondence to various parties, but this criminal behavior could not be left unchallenged, it had to be fought in a fearless manner to expose everything and everyone. Some people are put on this earth to test you while others to support and encourage you, while in turn focusing on the positives as we did. At the end of the day serendipitous moments come along and it's up to each individual how they react under pressure to achieve personal goals. Lastly the affidavit and attached information tells it's own tale. In this life if you wish to get anywhere decent the first thing is you must be honest with yourself, we have done this as much as possible due to good advisors along the way!
RECORD NO: 2016-136-EJ AN CHUIRT CHUARDA
THE CIRCUIT COURT Monaghan Circuit Court County of Monaghan
Between: AIB Mortgage Bank Plaintiff AND
Feargal Deery & Emma Deery Defendants
Feargal Deery runs for Election Cavan-Monaghan Election 2024
The Lock That Saw Fergal Deary Wrongfully Put In Prison
Overview of Business
Master Deerys was a bespoke hospitality complex constructed by the Deery family over the previous circa 15 years prior to our forced illegal receivership 8 years ago. The complex comprised of 35000sq ft of space, 15000sq ft was in use at the time of our eviction. While the space was not all developed at that particular stage, the business was still turning over circa 2 million euro prior to receivership. Given the level of debt with that turnover and the age of the brothers we were the only unit with the youth on our side to pay off our debts, among those involved in this fraudulent scandal.
There are also other angles mentioned in the attached affidavit that AIB were fully aware of: debt, ability to pay, work ethic and vision; none of these were or would have been a problem regarding maintaining the company debt. That debt being used to expand the business and make more profit while paying back our debt consistently and reliably.
In my opinion, without the name and without the right connections in Ireland you are potentially going to be treated unfairly; the country being one of the most corrupt countries in the western world as evidenced by available research. It means like many others up and down the country, we were forced into this situation we found ourselves in; where those with influence tore down competitors or other businesses for financial gain with little to no empathy for their victims.
Currently, due to evidence to hold this fraud to account, we have taken back control of the complex but need to reunite Master Deerys with the liquor license currently held by Seamus McEneaney. This can all can be viewed and is explained in the attached affidavit and exhibits.
We have tried to resolve matters with Ciaran and Orla Marron who initially signed for the property on behalf of McEneaney, even going as far as meeting and furnishing Peader Marron who is Ciarans father with the facts but to no avail.
All the Deery family wish to do is get back to work in the business that's been stolen from them. We have no gripe with anyone and have made this clear in previous correspondence to various parties, but this criminal behavior could not be left unchallenged, it had to be fought in a fearless manner to expose everything and everyone. Some people are put on this earth to test you while others to support and encourage you, while in turn focusing on the positives as we did. At the end of the day serendipitous moments come along and it's up to each individual how they react under pressure to achieve personal goals. Lastly the affidavit and attached information tells it's own tale. In this life if you wish to get anywhere decent the first thing is you must be honest with yourself, we have done this as much as possible due to good advisors along the way!
RECORD NO: 2016-136-EJ AN CHUIRT CHUARDA
THE CIRCUIT COURT Monaghan Circuit Court County of Monaghan
Between: AIB Mortgage Bank Plaintiff AND
Feargal Deery & Emma Deery Defendants
Feargal Deery runs for Election Cavan-Monaghan Election 2024
70 Billion Damages Claim. Being Issued By INL News Limited Media Group Against The Dublin City Council,
Richard Shakespeare the Chief Executive of the Dublin City Council,
the State of Ireland, Simon Harris the Taoiseach of Ireland, the Irish Garda, t
he Ripley Court Hotel,
Seamus 'Banty' McEnaney, the McEnaney Group,
Vincent Summerfield,
Ripley Court Hotel Manager, Killian McCormack,
Ripley Court Hotel Manager, Carlos Fernandes a Ripley Court Hotel Manager,
De Paul Charity,
David Carol the Chief Executive the DePaul Charity,
Michelle Councilor and Orla Mary Martin Barrister for DePaul. Charity,
Irish Garda Ciara/Ciove Burke Irish Garda Number C94, Irish Garda Connor Regan Irish Garda Number C59,
Emmer Pattern a senior manager at DePaul Charity
Following on from my previous posts where i exposed Monaghan Senior Football Manager Seamus "The Banty" McEnaney, and secondly exposed horseraceing magnate and Carrickmacross "Slum landlord" Sean Jones, and highlighted their greed fueled roles in making obscene and immoral amounts of money from housing asylum seekers and vulnerable people in Carrickmacross and its environs.
Today I'm going to tell you about Mr Ciaran Marron, the Co. Monaghan businessman and "Banty" Minion who is based in Carrickmacross, Co. Monaghan, and who is a Director of several companies such as Wardglade Ltd, Marron Activ8 Energies Ltd, Hollyhaven Ltd, Accessridge Ltd, CO Developments Newco Ltd, Farmgen, Activ8 Group and not forgetting Sparkle beauty Ltd- which trades as 'The Ivy Skin & Laser Specialists' - a beauty business run by his wife Orla in Carrickmacross.
All companies are registered at Dunoge, Carrickmacross, Co. Monaghan.
In truth Ciaran Marron has been nothing but the front man for The McEnaney Brothers
(or as we like to call them - The "Banty Boys") in connection with their involvement in the Master Deerys property in Monaghan Town, and Foleys Bar on Merrion Row, Dublin 2. Both of which were acquired by illegal forced evictions!
Seamus 'Banty' McEnaney is the license holder on both properties, and Ciaran Marron has signed for Master Deerys under Wardglade Ltd and signed for Foleys under Active8 Energies Ltd.
Seamus McEnaneys company - Trenthall Ltd, which is the company he trades under for his dirty and immoral direct provision dealings, and the same Trenthall Ltd that the Reception and Integration Agency has paid millions to, to source accommodation for Asylum seekers, is also the company that he trades under for Foleys Bar on Merrion row, so both Marron and McEnaneys dirty, greedy little direct provision paws are trading only a stones throw from Government Buildings and Leinster House.
Feargal Deery, who was the proprietor of Master Deerys in Monaghan Town, was put through hell and back by these despicable individuals, and was thankfully found Not Guilty by a jury after being tried on 12 charges of trespass and causing criminal damage at the same premises on dates between 24th April and 28th August 2016. The trial was told that a company called Wardglade Ltd had acquired legal title to the property in January 2015, and that it had nominated Seamus McEnaney as the licence holder in respect of the premises.
YES INDEED, that's the exact same Wardglade Ltd that Ciaran Marron is a Director of.
Feargal Deerys' Architectural plans and intellectual property have been used openly and unscrupulously by Marron and McEnaney in Foleys, The Westenra Hotel in Monaghan Town, what was previously Dusty's in Carrickmacross, and also Shiftys@ The Westenra Hotel in Monaghan Town.
That's the same Westenra Hotel where only last year McEnaney made the biggest settlement to the Revenue Commissioners in 2018, after he was filed on the defaulters list for a tax bill of €2.58 million, which was incurred for the under declaration of PAYE, PRSI, Universal Social Charge and VAT.
Ciaran Marron and his wife's original signing of fraudulent documents has seen Feargal Deery wrongly complete nearly six months in Jail, firstly in Mountjoy for a month in May /June 2016, then Castlrea at the end of August 2016, for a week while awaiting court bail over Marrons misleading statements in relation to ownership of the property. Then in July 2017 Feargal was remanded to CloverHill for nearly four months, and lastly he spent a week in Mountjoy this August, as again Marron tried to cover his tracks to suit Seamus 'The Banty' McEnaney and Co.
Ciaran and Orla Marron were made aware by registered post as to the extent of the fraud in relation to Master Deerys' in
October 2015, plus the use of the intellectual property in the various locations.
The Senior Counsel they used in 2015/ 2016 was Hugh Mohan SC, the same Hugh Mohan SC who's mother is a sister of Seamus McEnaneys mother. Both families had multi-million Euro write downs from AIB, but when you look at the bigger picture, it's very easy to see why, once you have the ability to join the dots, and understand what's happening.
When you look at the extent of the humiliation, corruption, mental distress and all the rest, that Feargal Deery has been put through by the likes of Ciaran Marron, Seamus McEnaney and their cohorts, many other men would have crumbled, and would not be here to tell the tale, but Feargals conscience didn't allow him to. He knew he needed to expose the level of corruption within the system, and expose the likes of Marron, McEnaney, AIB, Grant Thornton, and indeed some elements of An Garda Siochana.
The main element of An Garda Siochana being Superintendent Noel Cunnigham, who stated on record, in Virginia district court, on the 26th of August 2016 that “All issues in relation to property ownership have been sorted out at High Court level."
That was a blatant lie!
REMEMBER, This is the same Superintendent Noel Cunningham who was centrally involved in preparing the letter, which was used to try and destroy Sergeant Maurice McCabe. If Maurice McCabe had not secretly recorded the conversation between himself and Supt Noel Cunningham in 2008, then the statements that Cunningham would have given to the Commission would have been completely different. It wasn't until they realised that McCabe had the audio evidence to defend himself that the state actors were forced to change their tack. This is what brought the whole smear campaign against Seargent McCabe tumbling down.
The only thing left for Ciaran and Orla Marron to do, is drop their fraudulent claim with regards to Master Deerys & The Junction, and by doing so, Seamus 'The Banty' McEnaney will get his legal comeuppance, given the multiples of people he’s screwed over.
Ciaran Marron and his wife Orla, are fully aware of the financial, emotional and mental distress that their actions have caused the Deery Family, so why don't they do what's right, instead of trying to cover their tracks and trying to cover for the McEnaneys?
All they're doing is delaying the inevitable consequences that will be the result of their fallacious conduct, and when they're taken down, which they most definitely will be, McEnaney will be going down along with them!
I wonder are they playing these games because the Banty has something on them? Or is it because they're unscrupulous, callous and gutless individuals, just like their McEnaney friends?
Who knows which it is, but I know one thing for certain, the truth always comes out in the end, and they're going to be very sorry people when it does!
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“The Dead are still alive” the members of Independent Minds thought after taking up civil occupation of the building, the result of finding a dusty old printing press in the basement of 15 Usher's Island in July 2024, one that may or may not have been used in the era of Dubliners. Once the home of James Joyce’s aunts in the 1890s, they made their living there teaching music lessons, and were known as hostesses to lavish parties. These women were the inspiration behind this late eighteenth-century Georgian home becoming the setting of the author's short story The Dead, published in Dubliners in 1914.
In recent years, prior to its occupation, many proposals had been made for this historic building – one was for demolition to make way for a new bridge, the other was for change of use into a 54-bedroom hostel, not housing Dubliners, but like all the other ‘hostels’, a home for strangers who’d lost their passports. Two days before a group calling themselves Independent Minds took possession of the building, the Irish Independent published an article stating that a planning application had been submitted to convert this national treasure into a series of studio apartments and one-bed flats.
The support to preserve the setting of The Dead has been immense, with people from all over the arts world. In 2021, actors including Stephen Rea, Rachael Dowling, Maria Hayden, Marion O’Dwyer, Sinead Murphy, Darina Gallagher, Donal O’Kelly, Osaro Azams, Katie O’Kelly, and Madi O’Carroll shot a photo call appealing to the Minister for Arts and Culture to intervene; they proposed a state acquisition. In a letter penned by Anjelica Huston, she stated:
"I am writing to implore you to take all measures possible as Minister for Arts and Culture to preserve this site from becoming, as Joyce himself put it, another ‘shade’, lost forever.
Weeks before the occupation Joycean scholar Alice Ryan made a last-ditch plea in an article published by the Irish Independent:
“The wonderful thing about Joyce is his ability to include place and time in his storytelling. He’s very precise about the day and location in his literature.”
Ryan acknowledged the astute memory of the writer who had left Ireland to live in Europe in his twenties, never to return. His memory and the minute details left to his readers over a hundred years on not only freeze in time a snapshot of a winter in 15 Ushers Island in 1904, but shine a light on two opposing forces.
One of these forces has little interest in cultural nationalism, while the other does—echoes, voices emerge from The Dead. Joyce once joked that if Dublin were to be destroyed tomorrow by some catastrophe, it could be rebuilt brick by brick using his novel. The greater catastrophe in 2025 is that the destruction is homegrown, with Dublin City Council agreeing to it.
The fact that Dublin City Council would even consider a planning application for such a culturally iconic building truly brought to life first four words of Dubliners: “There was no hope.”
But then, a sign appeared outside the building.
TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN
This Building at 15 Ushers Island has
been under civil occupation from Sunday 28th July 2024
By an Independently minded group of people from all walks of life.
We collectively want to see persons and groups come forward.
With regards to all types of corruption and the homeless issue from all over the country.
We also want to see this building restored and handed over to the Dublin people as a museum to James Joyce and his work ‘The Dead’.
The printing press may have somewhat alluded to the creation of the characters in The Dead, but the actions of the people who have fought to remain inside that building, to preserve it, are very much of the living. The living are now reenacting a new story, and The Dead is depending on it.
Crafted expertly, characters of the Dubliners describe a people held in stasis—trapped by religion, colonial legacy, and cultural fear. Joyce called it “paralysis,” and warned of its quiet, dangerous power, and how this unyielding domination without opposition allowed for tyranny to take complete hold—the type of tyranny that would eventually have no bounds. Joyce was on point, and his relationship with Ireland due to this was a complex one, one many here today will be able to relate to. The deep connection to the land, its beauty, our stories, people, culture, and generations who’ve shaped this land has predominantly, for the average man or woman, been enough to cultivate somewhat of a tolerance of the echoes from above—but as the old world slipped away, the traps were replaced.
Today, religion has been replaced by ideologies force-fed to us by governments via NGOs who are remotely controlled by forums and international organizations. Over decades, the hidden elements that have bankrolled them cultivated another form of paralysis—one that sees people today stay silent about the complete obliteration of all they once, and probably still, cherish: our identity, our heritage. The Irish person who stays silent about a country being actively invaded, our people, children, being maimed and killed by vaccines practically forced upon them, our elderly being terrorized in care homes, are in no way in agreement with all the above. They are either fearful of being labeled an ‘imaginary thing’, or so psychologically damaged that they have found themselves in the most malleable of states—one of complete dissociation, a far worse condition than any paralysis.
Dissociation is a mental process of disconnecting from one's thoughts, feelings, memories, or sense of identity. It is the precursor to complete re-engineering—in more crude terms, known as grooming or brainwashing. At this point in the process, no opportunity is wasted. A good example of this was presented in the past weeks when Taoiseach Micheál Martin stated that the Nation State was a very new concept, going on to say that he “stands over the view that the Irish were never a 'homogenous' group.” The response to this by many is not one of paralysis but complete bewilderment. The motive is dissociation. Just as over the years attempts to destroy one of the most culturally symbolic buildings in Dublin are made, attacks on the Irish are waged. Here, Martin uses the language of equality and diversity to disenfranchise the people bound by blood to this land.
Feargal Deeary is one of the members of Independent Minds involved with the occupation of this building. Feargal was kind enough to speak with me about how he found himself involved with them. It soon became very clear that his involvement with this organization was far more complex than just the preservation of 15 Usher's Island.
Mr. Deeary's experience is one of being at the receiving end of utter tyranny. This tyranny has paved the way for corruption of the most hideous kind—one that saw this businessman, husband, and father being stripped of financial assets, his home, his freedom. Having been imprisoned eight times, totaling a period of 36 months, in the below interview from Cloverhill Prison, Mr. Deeary speaks to Stephen Kerr from The Irish Inquiry about the series of events that led up to him missing out on four Christmases with his family.
Feargal Deeary’s story, in contrast to the story of Gabriel Conroy, the protagonist from The Dead, is not one of a man crippled by his inner contradictions. Having been catapulted by corruption into a David versus Goliath nightmare, he has been forced to experience situations that in a previous time would be unimaginable. This is an extreme example of one of the many untold stories of the past five years.
This ongoing legal process Fergal faces is due to culminate in his court case on St. John’s Eve, the 23rd of June 2025. Being that The Dead was set on Twelfth Night, or the Feast of Epiphany, one would hope this day is charged with meaning—as the eve of St. John commemorates the birth of John the Baptist, who in pre-Gregorian records baptized Jesus Christ on the Feast of Epiphany. Despite his own personal feelings regarding the Catholic Church, James Joyce was very tuned in to the symbolic nature of dates, particularly with regard to religion. The allusions he makes would fly over the heads of many, including myself; however, this stark one is hard not to notice.
Going against my better judgment, I shared this connection with Feargal. I was pretty certain he had better things to do than hear me expand on coincidences. The text message response I received back was not what I expected. It was the antithesis of the overarching tone of the stories in Dubliners—again, remembering the first words: “There was no hope.”
“Life is a journey if you have the stomach for one.
Many just play the being-safe option, no real challenge in that.
Coincidences become signs, warnings, positives and negatives.
May the day of June 23rd be a positive and free many more than just myself!
With the help of The Dead watching on.
Amen.”Feargal’s message is a message of hope.
Today is Bloomsday. It commemorates Joyce’s famous book Ulysses, set in a Dublin of June the 16th, 1904, about a man called Leopold Bloom. He is an "everyman" hero—an ordinary man who experiences life’s complexities and the potential for heroism in everyday situations. Just as the living are keeping The Dead alive, and as Independent Minds keep this iconic house secure, there are different heroes born from the old heroes. From brutal tyranny, a different Bloom has been born, demonstrating far more than just a potential for heroism. Feargal is one of many—inspiring many more that are yet to come.
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THE HIGH COURT
Record No. 2025/739 P
11th Grounding Affidavit In Support of all of the Plaintiff’s Notice of Motions
BETWEEN:
JOHN CAREW-REID Plaintiff
And
REPUBLIC OF IRELAND, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF IRELAND,
SIMON HARRIS,
HELEN MCENTEE,
DUBLIN CITY COUNCIL,
RICHARD SHAKESPEARE,
JOHN DARKIN,
DREW HARRIS,
DAVID KEARNS,
JOHN FLOOD,
COMMISSIONER OF AN GARDA SIOCHANA,
CIOVE/CIARA BURKE, CONNOR REGAN,
LUKE O’MALLEY,
MATTHEW DALY,
GARDA SIOCHANA OMBUDSMAN COMMISSION,
MCENEANEY GROUP OF COMPANIES TRADING AS RIPLEY COURT HOTEL,
BRIAN FARRELL,
SEAMUS MCENANEY TRADING AS MCENANEY GROUP OF COMPANIES,
KILLIAN MCCORMACK,
VINCENT SOMMERFIELD,
CARLOS FERNANDES,
ALL STAFF AT THE RIPLEY COURT FROM 1ST OF FEBRUARY 2024 TO 10TH OF FEBRUARY 2025,
DEPAUL CHARITY,
DAVID CAROL,
EMMER PATTEN,
MICHELLE O’NEILL/RYAN/O'BRIEN,
ORLA MARY MARTYN,
DERMOT MURPHY,
SARAH REEVES,
KEVIN BARRETT,
DEIRDRE CANAVAN, NIAMH THORNTON, JOHN DERMODY,
TUNDE ADEDIRAN,
BARBARA CORCAN
and OLENNA UNLIMITED COMPANY Defendants
The INL News Group are partners with Feargal Deery from Monaghan has shown evidence of his life and livelihood having been torn apart by an alleged conspiracy involving Allied Irish Banks (AIB), Martin Slattery of Waterford, and Seamus “Banty” McEnaney. For over a decade, The below story titled “Feargal Deery: The Unbroken Spirit Battling Corruption’s Titans”, is a summary of part of his and the INL News Group’s fight for justice and the truth against Seamus McEnaney and the McEnaney Group of Companies run by Seamus McEnaney and his large extended McEnaney Family which also seems to have storing corrupted tentitles in the AIB Bank, which appear to have helped Seamus McEnaney and his McEnaney Group of Companies write off around thirteen million euros in debt, whale at the same time using the AIB Bank to wrongfully and illegally put Feargal Deery and the INL News Group companies into receivership because they were running businesses that were successfully competing with st Seamus McEnaney and the McEnaney Group of Companies run by Seamus McEnaney and his large etrented McEnaney Family. It is also noted that Feargall Deery is a shareholder in the INL News Group and thus has also been badly financially negatively affected and civilly and criminally wronged from the the wrongful and illegal actions that have been carried out by Seamus McEnaney and the McEnaney Group of Companies run by Seamus McEnaney and his large extended McEnaney Family, which included Onlenna Company Unlimited the 37th Defendant in H.P.2025.739 and their employees and legal agents, and the Irish Garda acting as legal agents for the Dublin City Council and the Republic of Ireland, and others, and other Named Defendants in H.P. 2025.739 and others who are not named Defendants in H,P.2025.739, as party set out in the pleadings in the Endorsement of Claim, the Statement of Claim and the various affidavits filed in H,P. 2025.739, with the full particulars and evidence to be produced at the full trial of H.P.2025.739. The People of Ireland, The INL News Group, Feargal Deery and his Family, all the shareholders of the INL News Group and myself have financially and in so many others ways been badly damaged and badly affected by the alleged conspiracy involving Allied Irish Banks (AIB), Martin Slattery of Waterford, and Seamus “Banty” McEnaney. Such damages caused by the alleged conspiracy involving Allied Irish Banks (AIB), Martin Slattery of Waterford, and Seamus “Banty” McEnaneyare paper of the damages claim in H.P.2025.739 which will be determined at a full trial of H.P.2025.739. After reading the below affidavit summary to Justice Paul Gilligan High Court of Ireland Court 3 on the 22nd November 2025 Justice Paul Gilligan stated to Feargal Deery” that if the paperwork is filed and served with the court and your case is proved, your family will be in for substantial damages.” or words to that effect
“ Feargal Deery: The Unbroken Spirit Battling Corruption’s Titans
Feargal Deery: The Unbroken Spirit Battling Corruption’s Titans
In the rolling hills of Monaghan, Ireland, a man stands defiant against a storm of greed and betrayal—a storm orchestrated, he claims, by powerful forces determined to crush him for their own profit. Feargal Deery, a businessman once rooted in his community, has become a reluctant hero, his life and livelihood torn apart by an alleged conspiracy involving Allied Irish Banks (AIB), Martin Slattery of Waterford, and Seamus “Banty” McEnaney. For over a decade, Deery has waged a war for justice, a war marked by illegal evictions, fraudulent deals, and a legal system that seems intent on delaying his day of reckoning. This is the story of a man destroyed yet unbowed, fighting not just for himself, but for the right to stand up against those who wield power without conscience.
The Fall: A Business Stolen
Feargal Deery’s nightmare began in 2013, when he was forcibly evicted from his properties in Monaghan, including the beloved ‘Master Deery’s’ at 27/28 Market Street. These were more than just buildings—they were the heart of his business, his legacy. Deery alleges that the eviction was illegal, a precursor to a fraudulent sale of his properties to Wardglade Limited, a company tied to Seamus “Banty” McEnaney, a well-known GAA manager with a sprawling business empire. When Deery reported the fraud to the Monaghan Garda, he was dismissed with a wave of the hand—labeled a “civil matter” and left to fend for himself.
But Deery refused to fade into silence. In November 2015, when McEnaney sought to transfer the publican’s license for ‘Master Deery’s,’ Deery stood up in court to object, thrusting his plight into the public eye. It was the first salvo in a battle that would define his life—a battle against those he accuses of orchestrating his ruin.
The Villains: A Triumvirate of Greed
At the center of Deery’s accusations are three towering figures: AIB, Martin Slattery, and Seamus McEnaney. Deery claims that AIB, a banking behemoth with a checkered past, colluded with Slattery and McEnaney to dismantle his business for their own financial gain. The specifics of Slattery’s role remain shadowy, but Deery paints him as a key player in a scheme that saw his properties snatched away under false pretenses. McEnaney, meanwhile, emerges as the public face of this alleged corruption—a man whose business interests, including millions in state payments for asylum seeker accommodation through Brimwood Ltd., suggest a pattern of exploiting opportunities at others’ expense.
AIB’s involvement is particularly galling. With its history of financial scandals, the bank’s alleged role in Deery’s downfall fits a narrative of institutional arrogance. Deery insists that AIB’s influence has not only enabled the fraudulent sale but also fueled the legal delays that keep him trapped in limbo. Together, this trio represents a formidable alliance of wealth and power, united—so Deery alleges—in a mission to destroy him.
A Hero’s Fight: Resilience Amid Ruin
What sets Feargal Deery apart is not the scale of his loss, but the strength of his resistance. Since 2015, he has been locked in a grueling legal struggle, facing accusations of breaching court orders that barred him from his own properties—orders he deems unjust, rooted in the original fraud. These breaches have led to harsh consequences: a two-week imprisonment in 2018, and a longer stretch in 2021 when he refused to bend, standing firm in his belief that compliance would mean surrendering to lies.
Each courtroom appearance, each night in a cell, has tested Deery’s spirit. Yet, he endures. His fight has drawn supporters who see in him a champion of the powerless, a man willing to confront giants when others would falter. Protests have erupted outside hearings, with crowds decrying the special treatment afforded McEnaney—treatment that shielded him from facing the public’s anger. Deery’s story has transcended Monaghan, becoming a rallying cry for those who believe the system too often serves the powerful.
The Delays: A Tactic to Break Him
The case’s endless delays are a wound that festers. Now set for June 23, 2025, at the Central Criminal Court in Dublin under Justice Patricia Ryan, the hearing promises to address Deery’s alleged breaches. But this date is just the latest in a string of adjournments that have stretched over years, each postponement a blow to Deery’s hope for resolution. He argues that these delays are no accident—that AIB, Slattery, and McEnaney, with their deep pockets and deeper influence, have engineered this slow bleed to exhaust him, to force him into submission before he can expose their deeds.
The stakes are monumental. If the case proceeds without further delay, Deery might finally present his evidence, challenge the court orders’ legitimacy, and unveil the alleged conspiracy that cost him everything. But time is a weapon wielded against him, and every day lost is a victory for his adversaries.
The Villains’ Shadow: Power Unchecked
McEnaney, AIB, and Slattery cast long shadows. McEnaney’s business dealings—lucrative yet controversial—paint him as a man adept at bending systems to his will. AIB’s vast resources and history of weathering scandals suggest an institution too big to fail, too entrenched to be held accountable. Slattery, though less visible, looms as a linchpin in Deery’s narrative of betrayal. Together, they embody the kind of unchecked power that Deery dares to defy.
The Monaghan Garda’s refusal to investigate Deery’s fraud claims only deepens the sense of a cover-up. In a nation scarred by financial misdeeds, from banking crises to legal misconduct, Deery’s accusations resonate. His fight is not just against three men, but against a culture where influence trumps integrity.
A Moment of Truth
As June 23, 2025, approaches, Feargal Deery stands at a crossroads. Destroyed by those he once trusted, he has lost his business, endured imprisonment, and borne the weight of a decade-long struggle. Yet, he remains a hero—not because he has won, but because he persists. If this case escapes further delay, it could be his chance to reclaim his rights, to prove that one man’s voice can pierce the armor of corruption.
The world watches, not just for Deery, but for what his fight represents. Will justice prevail, or will power once again smother truth? For Feargal Deery, the answer lies in a courtroom yet to convene—a courtroom that might, if time allows, affirm his stand as a beacon of courage in a darkened age. His legacy, whatever the outcome, is already written in the hearts of those who see in him a man who would not be broken.” …. Darryl kavanagh
Paragraphs 403 to 415 of the Plaintiff’s Statement of Claim filed 16th JUne 2025 in H.P.2025.739
- SOME LEGAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE MATTERS, FACTS AND ISSUES PLEADED HEREIN
The Plaintiff maintains that all named Defendants – whether directly or indirectly involved in controlling the CCTV evidence – had the legal duty, capacity, and opportunity to ensure the preservation and disclosure of all relevant material. Multiple formal notifications to this effect were sent from October 2024 onward. Despite these warnings, the CCTV footage was not preserved in full, and appears to have been tampered with in contravention of civil and criminal law obligations. This alleged tampering and suppression of evidence directly supports the Plaintiff’s claims as set out in the Statement of Claim and Grounding Affidavits, including obstruction, conspiracy to commit trespass and theft, breach of data protection and property rights, and violations of constitutional and statutory protections.
- Some Structured Causes of Action
(a) Criminal Damage and Theft: The Defendants—either in their own capacity or as agents for one another (excluding the 16th Defendant, GSOC)—unlawfully stole or destroyed the Plaintiff’s property, in breach of the Criminal Damage Act 1991.
Harassment and Intimidation:
(b) The Defendants persistently obstructed the Plaintiff’s lawful residency, in violation of the Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act 1997, thereby constituting harassment and intimidation.
(c) Breach of the Criminal Justice (Theft and Fraud Offences) Act 2001: The Defendants engaged in conduct amounting to theft, fraud, and deception, including but not limited to the misappropriation of property, false ownership claims, and facilitating wrongful arrests.
(d) Unlawful Property Dispossession: On 3 October 2024, the Plaintiff was unlawfully dispossessed of his property located in Room 140 at the Ripley Court Hotel, Dublin 1. This resulted in substantial destruction of property, theft of irreplaceable personal and corporate items, and emotional and financial distress.
(e) Property Under Siege: Between 4:10 PM and 5:00 PM on 3 October 2024, the Plaintiff’s private residence was effectively placed under siege by agents of the Defendants, who entered unlawfully and carried out extensive theft and destruction.
(f) False Imprisonment: Between 4:00 PM and 5:00 PM on 3 October 2024, the Plaintiff was unlawfully detained and prevented from leaving or freely accessing his residence. This conduct amounts to false imprisonment under common law.
(g) Robbery During the Siege: Between 4:10 PM and 5:00 PM on 3 October 2024, members of An Garda Síochána and Ripley Court Hotel staff jointly participated in or facilitated the theft of the Plaintiff’s highly valuable possessions. These included original passports, legal and medical documents, cancer medications, and digital storage devices containing sensitive material worth over €100 million. The Plaintiff contends Garda members failed in their duty to intervene and instead provided aid and protection to the perpetrators.
(h) Fraudulent Complaints and Unlawful Arrest: The Ripley Court Hotel Defendants made knowingly false and malicious complaints to An Garda Síochána, directly resulting in the Plaintiff’s wrongful arrest at approximately 4:50 PM on 3 October 2024 and enabling further theft and destruction of his property.
(i) Breach of the Criminal Justice (Theft and Fraud Offences) Act 2001, ss. 4 & 6: Defendants falsely claimed ownership of the freehold interest in Room 140 and asserted non-existent powers to terminate the Plaintiff’s lawful occupancy without court order, thereby facilitating his unlawful eviction, and causing loss through deception.
(j) Unauthorised Removal and Demolition: The Plaintiff’s belongings—including medical supplies, identification documents, and digital materials—were forcibly and unlawfully removed from Room 140 and destroyed without legal justification, in breach of the Criminal Justice Act 2006.
(l)False Claims of Property Ownership: The First Defendant fraudulently claimed ownership of the Plaintiff’s private property in breach of the Criminal Justice (Theft and Fraud Offences) Act 2001.
(m)Withholding of Evidence: The Defendants failed and refused to disclose the location of the Plaintiff’s missing property, and unlawfully withheld or destroyed material evidence, raising strong inferences of collusion and obstruction of justice.
Io) Conspiracy to cause harm and damage to the Plaintiff, and the Plaintiff's business and assets
(p) Conspiracy to cause harm to the Plaintiff's Trade and Profession
(q) Unconscionable Conduct
(r) Willful Blindness
(s) Criminal Contempt
(t) Perjury
(u) Slander and Defamation(v) Extreme Public Embarrassment and Damage to the Plaintiff
(x) Criminal Damage to the Plaintiff and to the Plaintiff's extremely valuable assets
(y) Deliberately throwing over 30 bags of the Plaintiff's Belongings in a Rubbish Skip Bin
(z) Deliberately handling the Plaintiff's belongings to a person who was not asked
his name, address of photo ID or to produce any sort of written authority from the Plaintiff that that person had a lawful authority or right from the Plaintiff to be able to lawfully collect the Plaintiff's Be;ongings from the Ripley Court Hotel.
RELIEF SOUGHT (Part One)
Request for Financial Disclosure and Freezing Orders
The Plaintiff respectfully seeks an urgent order from this Honourable Court directing Olenna Company Unlimited to swear, file, and serve a comprehensive affidavit disclosing:
A, All financial records and CRO-lodged documents from the date of the company's incorporation;
- The names of all current directors and registered and beneficial shareholders, including Seamus McEnaney, John McEnaney, and Gary McEnaney;
- An irrevocable undertaking by said directors and shareholders accepting joint and several liability for any damages awarded in H.P.2025.739 arising from unlawful acts committed by Ripley Court Hotel staff.
Further, the Plaintiff seeks an interlocutory order freezing all bank accounts and material assets of Olenna Company Unlimited, save for ordinary operational expenses. The company should be required to furnish this Honourable Court and the Plaintiff with monthly affidavits including up-to-date bank statements and financial reports. The Plaintiff notes from a recent credit report via SoloCheck.ie that Olenna Company Unlimited banks with Permanent TSB.
Further Conclusions and Some Urgent Relief Sought by the Plaintiff
The Plaintiff respectfully submits that unless this Honourable Court grants the requested disclosure and freezing orders, any damages awarded will be unrecoverable. These measures will not interfere with the day-to-day operations of the Ripley Court Hotel but are necessary to preserve the Plaintiff’s legal remedies and the integrity of the judicial process.
- RELIEF SOUGHT (Part Two)
400O. The plaintiff demands that the the court immediately order the the First Named Defendant Republic of Ireland and the Second Named Defendant the Attorney of Ireland to do two at least two things plus any other orders deemed, fair, just, reasonable, necessary and equitable by the Honourable Court:
- Immediately issue the Plaintiff with an Irish Passport on an urgent basis.
- Immediate release the Plaintiff’s Ivermectin Tablets to the plaintiff.
- Any other orders deemed, fair, just, reasonable, necessary and equitable by the Honourable Court to issue against the First Named Defendant Republic of Ireland and the Second Named Defendant the Attorney of Ireland.
- Any other orders deemed, fair, just, reasonable, necessary and equitable by the Honourable Court to issue against any of the other named Defendants.
Immediate Injunctive Relief
The Plaintiff respectfully seeks the immediate intervention of this Honourable Court by way of interlocutory and final injunctions, including orders:
Prohibiting Trespass and Interference: Restraining all Defendants, their servants, agents, representatives, or any person acting on their behalf from entering, trespassing upon, or interfering in any manner with Room 140 at the Ripley Court Hotel, located at 37 Talbot Street, Dublin 1.
- Return of Possessions:
Compelling the Defendants to immediately return and restore into the possession of the Plaintiff all personal and corporate property removed from Room 140 or the adjoining storage area(s) between 4:00 pm and 5:00 pm on 3 October 2024.
- Restraint Against Further Removal:
Prohibiting the Defendants from removing, disposing of, altering, damaging, withholding, or otherwise interfering with any items or property belonging to the Plaintiff, or to INL News Limited Media, Film, Book and Music Publishing Group, pending final determination of these proceedings
Preservation of Evidence: Mandating that all Defendants preserve and immediately deliver to the Plaintiff or his legal representatives all CCTV, audio, photographic, and documentary evidence relating to the Plaintiff’s room, personal effects, and the alleged eviction and removal of property from Room 140 on or about 3 October 2024.
Access and Reinstatement: Requiring the Defendants to immediately restore the Plaintiff’s full, secure, and private access to Room 140, or to provide comparable suitable accommodation (being a single-bed ensuite room) to facilitate the Plaintiff’s ongoing anti-cancer treatment, including a facility to safely store medical supplies and prepare specialised meals in privacy and safety.
Prohibition Against Garda Involvement in Further Evictions:
Prohibiting An Garda Síochána, and specifically members of Store Street Garda Station or any other station, from participating in or assisting with any further attempts to evict, arrest, or restrict the movement or rights of the Plaintiff in relation to Room 140 or his personal property, except where lawfully ordered by this Honourable Court.
- Protection from Harassment and Intimidation:
Restraining all Defendants from: Making or circulating false or misleading claims regarding ownership or control of the Plaintiff’s property; Interfering with the Plaintiff’s peaceful enjoyment and lawful occupation of Room 140; Engaging in any conduct amounting to harassment, intimidation, or coercion; Withholding, destroying, or concealing any documents or information related to the Plaintiff’s accommodation or possessions.
- Joinder of Additional Parties:
The Plaintiff’s right to amend these proceedings pursuant to Order 15, Rule 4 of the Rules of the Superior Courts to join additional defendants or third parties shown to have participated in or facilitated the events complained of, including the eviction, property removal, destruction, concealment of evidence, or interference with the Plaintiff’s constitutional, contractual, or proprietary rights.
- PLAINTIFF’S PRAYER
The Plaintiff respectfully prays for the following reliefs from this Honourable Court:
Immediate Reinstatement:
An order directing the reinstatement of the Plaintiff, John Carew-Reid, to Room 140 of the Ripley Court Hotel, from which he was allegedly unlawfully evicted between 4:00 pm and 5:00 pm on 3 October 2024.
Return of Property:
An order compelling the return, in good condition and without alteration, of all personal and professional property belonging to the Plaintiff and INL News Limited Media Group, including but not limited to: Two original passports and original birth certificate; Laptops, hard drives, USB drives, memory cards containing irreplaceable media, legal, personal, publishing, and commercial files; Cameras, documents, and corporate data; Life-saving anti-cancer medication, nutritional supplements, oils, and specialist food items.
Interim Damages:
An award of €2,000,000 per day from 3 October 2024 until 28 January 2025, amounting to €256,000,000, and continuing at the same daily rate until all unlawfully removed property is returned, including intact digital media and legal documentation.
Conditional Damages:
A conditional award of €100,000,000,000 (One Hundred Billion Euros) in general and special damages, should the entirety of the Plaintiff’s stolen property and data not be returned in its original, usable form by 30 July 2025.
Compensation for Starvation and Medical Negligence:
General, aggravated and exemplary damages of €20,000,000,000 (Twenty Billion Euros) for:
The deliberate starvation of the Plaintiff over five weeks in February–March 2024; The neglect of urgent medical needs, including the delay of a colonoscopy and cancer diagnosis; The deprivation of nutritional support during a critical stage of illness, contributing to the development of Stage 3/4 cancer.
Redress for Unlawful Eviction and Obstruction of Cancer Treatment: Damages for the manner and timing of the Plaintiff’s eviction — allegedly while undergoing essential cancer nutrition and preparation — resulting in emotional trauma, medical risk, and interruption of potentially life-saving treatment.
Further or Other Relief:
Such further or other orders, declarations, and directions as this Honourable Court deems just, fair and equitable to issue against the Named Defendants in the circumstances.
- FURTHER RELIEF SOUGHT BY THE PLAINTIFF
The Plaintiff, on his own behalf and on behalf of the INL News LImited Media and Publishing Group of Companies, respectfully seeks from this Honourable Court the following additional reliefs:
- A. Compensatory, Aggravated, and Punitive Damages
An award of damages, including general, special, aggravated, and punitive damages, for the following heads of loss:
Personal Injury and Medical Deterioration:
Arising from the Defendants’ alleged neglect, starvation, obstruction of cancer treatment, and unlawful eviction during a period of critical illness, contributing to the development and exacerbation of advanced Stage 3/4 bowel cancer.
Psychological Harm and Emotional Distress:
Resulting from repeated threats to the Plaintiff’s life, false imprisonment, public humiliation, harassment, and acts of intimidation by agents or employees of the Defendants.
Economic Loss and Commercial Sabotage:
Including loss of income, destruction of intellectual property and media assets, sabotage of commercial value of the Plaintiff’s companies (particularly INL News Limited), and destruction of irreplaceable digital, legal, and business materials with an estimated value exceeding €1000 billion.
- Reputational Harm:
Arising from public defamation, false accusations of racism and mental illness, and malicious interference with the Plaintiff’s professional standing in the international media, publishing, and legal sectors. Violation of Constitutional and Statutory Rights:
Including breaches of the Plaintiff’s rights under Bunreacht na hÉireann, European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and the Data Protection Acts 1988–2018, particularly in relation to privacy, property, health, liberty, and access to justice.
B. Injunctive and Declaratory Relief Orders and declarations, including:#
A permanent injunction restraining the Defendants from engaging in any further acts of intimidation, harassment, surveillance, destruction or tampering with evidence, interference with property or medical care, or retaliation against the Plaintiff or his associates.
Declarations that the eviction of the Plaintiff from Room 140 at the Ripley Court Hotel on 3 October 2024, and related acts of property seizure, evidence suppression, and medical endangerment were unlawful and unconstitutional.
A declaration that the conduct of the Defendants, including the concealment and alleged editing or deletion of CCTV and other security footage, amounts to obstruction of justice and a breach of the Defendants’ legal duty to preserve evidence in ongoing High Court proceedings.
#Orders for Criminal Investigation
That this Honourable Court:
Recommend that An Garda Síochána and/or an independent body, such as the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission (GSOC) or an international tribunal, investigate and, if appropriate, prosecute individuals involved in:
Tampering with or destroying material evidence;
Engaging in civil and criminal conspiracies to pervert the course of justice;
Making death threats against the Plaintiff and his associates;
Participating in unlawful evictions, theft, assault, and deprivation of life-saving treatment.
- Court Recognition of Threats to Life and Ongoing Danger
That the Court take judicial notice of the following matters:
That on or about 13 May 2025, the Plaintiff informed the Honourable Mr Justice Geoghegan of credible threats to his life and to the lives of Mr Amit Bhartiya and Ms Orla Geoghegan, including allegations that individuals claiming links to Dublin City Council, McEnaney Group, and An Garda Síochána wished to kill the Plaintiff in retaliation for his lawsuits and public exposure of systemic wrongdoing.
That these threats are ongoing, severe, and credible, and that the Plaintiff and his associates continue to live in daily fear of violent reprisal due to the nature of these proceedings and the high value of the evidence and claims at stake. That the Honourable Court take all necessary steps to protect the Plaintiff and his co-Plaintiffs from interference, harassment, or retaliation for bringing this action.